Abstract
I argue that a range of morphological phenomena sensitive to features of multiple arguments in Georgian (South Caucasian)—including Anti-Superiority ef- fects (Béjar 2003), and omnivorous number effects (Nevins 2011) – receive a unified account if spellout targets contiguous spans of maximally simple heads, in a fixed hierarchy. I introduce new data from a related language, Laz, and show that a close comparison of the two languages reveals that (i) number agreement is expressed om- nivorously only if the prefix is not sensitive to number, and that (ii) this number expression covaries with Tense only if the subject is third person. I argue that both Anti-Superiority and the facts about number expression should be interpreted as fu- sional morphology being limited to third person contexts, and that a principled expla- nation for such an asymmetry can be provided, if first and second person structurally contain third person, and the matching of exponents with syntactic structure is gov- erned by Overspecification (Starke 2009), such that a lexicalized span is a candidate of spellout for its sub-spans.
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Notes
I use the notation X>Y for a transitive agreement context (such that X denotes the phi-features of the subject and Y denotes those of the object), as well as syntactic selection/sisterhood.
That is, modulo notions such as zero affixes, zero heads/operators, etc.
As a notational convention, I will use the usual bracketing structure for spans throughout this paper, avoiding the n-tuple notation, <…>, despite the fact that a span is not usually/necessarily a constituent.
The original purpose of Pointers is related to certain types of idioms (Michal Starke, p.c.), but the idea to employ it for the present purposes goes back to Pantcheva and Caha (2012).
Since their proposal has not been published, I will give an extremely short recapitulation here: Blansitt’s (1988) generalization states that if a dative can be used for locative purposes in a language, then it can also be used for allative purposes. Caha and Pantcheva (2012) propose, based on a crosslinguistic study that these four cases correspond to the structures in (i).
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(i)
Under the Pointer approach, the loc=dat=all syncretism arises when the case affix lexicalizes [dat[gen → [p]]]. Crucially, Blansitt’s generalization falls out from this, since matching both the dative structure and the locative structure is only possible if the vi also lexicalizes the allative structure without ‘unused’ heads. Unattested syncretisms like loc=gen=dat≠all, or loc=dat≠all, on the other hand, cannot be derived under this approach, i.e., in contrast to a subset-based approach to syncretisms that allows for free cross-classification of two independent systems, the Pointer approach is restrictive in a predictive fashion.
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(i)
Note that the Pointer approach is limited in the kinds of cross-categorial syncretisms it allows for: If there is a cross-person syncretism in the plural that forms an L-shape with one of the singular forms, it has to be the largest one, since a hypothetical item /α/ ⇔ ‘[pl → [3]]’ could not apply in any person structure that is larger than the third person. The current system is thus more restrictive than a subset-based approach that allows independent cross-selection of the two systems.
The paradigms lack the cells that would correspond to first and second person reflexive forms. There are two ways to express reflexivity in Laz, either with reflexive pronouns, which uniformly trigger third person agreement, or with valency changing verbal morphology that makes the verb intransitive. First and second person can therefore never simultaneously trigger subject agreement and object agreement within a single verb form, i.e. the lacking cells are not a part of the language.
Note that the present stem is derived with a thematic suffix that is sensitive to argument structure, thematic roles, and lexical aspect (cf. Öztürk and Pöchtrager 2011; Öztürk and Taylan Erguvanlı 2017). The corresponding set of suffixes in Georgian have been dubbed present/future stem formants (cf. Aronson 1990: 40 and Harris 1982). Given that these suffixes are sensitive to argument structure, I assume that these spell out of Voice heads, contextually conditioned by linearly adjacent Tense in the spirit of Embick (2015); Kastner (2018), but due to their invariance with respect to agreement, I abstract away from them here.
Conversely, if an argument does not agree for person, it is also excluded from agreeing for number, as discussed by Demirok (2013: 79): In ditransitive constructions, it is the indirect object that triggers object agreement, and the direct object can mark neither number nor person:
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(i)
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(i)
It should be noted that both languages show a second type of transitive agreement paradigm called Inversion. In these paradigms a dative subject triggers the kind of prefixal agreement usually found with objects. These are much more divergent between the two languages (cf. Öztürk and Pöchtrager 2011: 60ff and Aronson 1990: sections 10.1, 12.1), and I follow various other authors in excluding these here.
The system I propose below can be implemented in either variant. However, since an auth selecting implementation requires an additional zero affix, the add selecting implementation is slightly more elegant. The relevant notions for the analysis, however, are that there is a containment relation between participants, and that participant agreement properly contains the structure of third person agreement, i.e., independent of this choice. However, since both 1=3≠2 syncretisms and 2=3≠1 ones exist crosslinguistically (Cysouw 2003), this is one way for the present system to accommodate these facts.
The structure raises obvious questions as to its nature and the way it is constructed. One might interpret this structure either as the result of successive cyclic head movement of a set of person/number agreement heads (along the lines of Preminger 2011), or possibly Multiple Agree (Hiraiwa 2005) with the resulting structure reflecting relative heights. Under such a view, the target of spellout would be spans within a complex head, formed by the syntax, and a probe would be an instruction to the syntax to build such a structure under a matching requirement that pertains to a specific syntactic configuration, such as c-command. Alternatively, the agreement structure might in fact be part of the extended projection of the verb, possibly heads that provide phi values to initially unvalued pronominal elements, along the lines of Kratzer (2009), or Stegovec (2019), which might imply that agreement is somewhat reminiscent of Sportiche (2005, 2006) style determiners in the extended projection of the verb. The subpart of the analysis in the current section is agnostic about this question, as long as the relevant structural containment relations hold, i.e., as long as a specific theory of agreement is compatible with the syntax building the kind of structure given in (26), either view is compatible with the results derived here. In Section 5, I provide some arguments in favor of the latter hypothesis, based on morpheme order; the dependency, however, is asymmetric: While the account of linear order will crucially rely on phrasal movement, and therefore on these heads being part of phrasal syntax, the account of their paradigmatic distribution is independent of such an interpretation. I will largely leave the larger questions that this raises for the nature of Agree or agreement untouched, for now, and hope that future research may shed more light on these questions.
Phonologically null affixes are obviously motivated primarily on theory-internal grounds. Georgian has an overt counterpart to Ø- in the copula’s present Tense paradigm (Aronson 1990: 66), thus providing independent evidence for such an affix.
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Note also that there is a rather curious prediction of this theory: This affix is able to spread into the 1sg>2sg cell, spelling out the subject features, although this could easily be avoided by postulating a second zero affix. I hope that these kinds of unexpected distributions will turn out to be useful in analyzing other complex agreement systems, but as it stands this is an unusual possibility predicted by the system.
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(i)
Note that these affixes embed a structure [plo → [refo]], despite my claim that a configuration [plo [refo]] does not arise in transitive agreement. In the Laz inverse paradigms (discussed briefly in fn. 12), however, third person dative subjects do trigger plural object agreement. Whatever their precise syntax, their agreement morphology can therefore be captured in this system.
An interesting alternative to the zero affix would be to argue that the past tense properly contains the present tense, and to specify the relevant affixes for the local subjects for prs, but not pst, but the ones for third person for both. Under this perspective, -i would spell out only [pst], and we would not need another zero affix.
Note that in order for -en to lose out to -t due to the ep, we need to assume that -t is less specific than -en. I tacitly assume that this is due to the internal structure of the placeholder prs.
An interesting point about the occurrence of -t was brought to my attention by Thomas Wier (p.c.). Third person plural objects can exceptionally trigger plural agreement if they are focused and the subject is inanimate, as shown in (i). Note that a focused inanimate plural object appears to block a non-focused inanimate subject that would normally trigger plural agreement “optionally” from doing so (regardless of the object triggering plural agreement). In contrast, a human third person plural subject triggers -en, blocking -t (Léa Nash, p.c.).
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As with second person plural objects, we see that -s disappears, and -t occurs, when there is exceptional plural agreement with third person objects. From the current perspective, it is expected that [refs[plo]] receive spellout by -t, but it raises the question of what spells out the object’s person feature. They need to be spelled out independently, in order to block -en from being anchored before -t can be. At the present moment I can only give an ad-hoc stipulation, suggesting that the system can be made to work by employing a zero affix that spells out a structure along the lines [foc[refo]], and that the element foc bleeds -en (cf. a similar ad hoc solution in Halle and Marantz (1993): fn. 6, which suggests that third person arguments can occasionally pattern with participants due to an additional feature).
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In fact, some of the third person plural subject affixes appear to contain the TAM marker as well, e.g. the optative affixes -o, -os and -on. I will tentatively suggest that in these cases the -n spreads minimally into the TAM domain, but does not spell out all of it. If the vocabulary item -o contains a pointer to the same TAM structure -n spells out, below the remainder of the TAM domain, we derive the desired result. As this is not an investigation into the Georgian TAM structure, I will leave the precise formulation of this to future research.
Note that this variation is closely linked to another point of variation, namely the Pointer in Laz -an, and its respective absence in Georgian -en: It is only because -en cannot spell out the tense structure unless it also spells out pls that allows a tenseless -s to surface. Were the Georgian -en like the Laz -an, it would always overwrite a tenseless -s, even in the absence of any plurality. The tenseless -s, i.e., the -s that always co-occurs with the kind of tense marker that is limited to local subjects in Laz, is only possible with the pointerless -en, and the resulting conditional omnivorous number effect.
Presumably, -di itself is bimorphemic, with -d spelling out some higher structure. I once again abstract away from the details of TAM.
Note that the selection of the set of suffixes appears to depend on conjugation class, the phonological form of the stem, or irregular verbs. This does not seem to lend itself to an analysis in terms of spans, as advanced here. Whether an extension of an allomorphy approach (a notion that most Nanosyntax eschews), is a plausible way of accounting for these further details remains to be seen.
As an anonymous reviewer pointed out, the argument extends to material that is lower than the agreement structure, i.e., VoiceP-internal material: Given the claim in (69) that movement of VoiceP is the relevant operation, stranding of VoiceP-internal material via successive cyclic movement of a smaller phrase is ruled out. We thus predict two positions for VoiceP-internal material, in between the prefix and the stem (no movement/pied-piping), and after the stem but before the suffixes (snowball movement). As the reviewer points out, both positions are attested in, a.o., Laz causative morphology (their example):
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The preverbs serve a variety of functions beyond the future marking, such as spatial relations, or perfectivity. They are also present in the past Tense (aorist). Insofar as their function of future marking is concerned, they are “usually unpredictable” (Hewitt 1995: 145-169), i.e., specific to the verb, but selected from a small class. See ibid., 148-169 for details. Note also that certain verbs do always come with their respective preverb, and do not distinguish the present from the future, i.e., they exhibit a syncretism (Aronson 1990: 42ff, 61f).
A second caveat: Laz shows a set of thematic suffixes in certain configurations that denote properties of the event and argument structure. These are obligatory in the present tense Öztürk and Pöchtrager (2011, 69), but absent in the subjunctive forms, and again it is not a priori clear what the right analysis of this is under the present account. See Öztürk and Taylan Erguvanlı (2017) for a detailed analysis of the argument structure, event type and aspectual functions of the thematic suffixes.
See Svenonius (2016) for an alternative to evacuation that relies on specifier-complement asymmetries for the definition of a span, which might provide an alternative to evacuation analyses, and might offer a direction of research, under which the derivational timing as well as the construction of phonological words from syntactic structure might be understood in terms of PF-instructions relativized to heads.
Trommer’s approach is thus quite similar in spirit to the current one, insofar as it is an attempt at reduction to vocabulary insertion. For Trommer, Impoverishment reduces to insertion of a zero vi, and Fusion itself should also be eliminated from the system, and replaced with mutually conditioned contextual allomorphy. That is to say, rather than fusing two nodes, say the object’s [+pl] feature, and the Tns-Agr node, we would postulate two contextual allomorphy rules: [+pl] is spelled out as zero in the context of a third person subject, and a third person subject Tns-Agr is spelled out as -an in the context of a [+pl] node. Since we find ourselves in a system with omnivorous number, this might necessitate two rules for -an, one for [+pl] originating in the Tns-Agr node, and one for the contextual allomorphy, thus creating even more redundancy. It still fails to account for the person asymmetry.
As they note on page 45 this means divorcing the feature valuation from the resulting morphological expression, as a probe specified for only [uπ] (German, Romance etc) can clearly result in morphological expression of the full feature structure.
Note that their approach thus breaks with the DM notion of spellout targeting terminals as well, while building a similar notion into the system as I did: v- is essentially the spellout of first person in the context of a third person probing.
The same point applies to Nevins (2011), which derives omnivorous number from Multiple Agree. For Nevins’s approach, the prefixes are clitic arguments that can be the targets of Multiple Agree; it is unclear why Multiple Agree would be blocked exactly in case the clitic itself has vocabulary items that make reference to the number distinction. Under said approach we would expect the Georgian first person objects to trigger omnivorous number the same way as second person subjects/objects and first person subjects do, and the proposal does not seem to offer a clear way of distinguishing these two cases. In addition, Nevins (2011: 962) also seems to suggest that Omnivorous Number and co-variance with Tense are in complementary distribution, but Laz clearly provides a counterexample to such a generalization.
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Acknowledgements
I would like to thank my consultant, İsmail Bucaklişi, as well as Balkız Öztürk, Aslı Göksel and Markus Pöchtrager, who introduced me to Laz. I am also indebted to my friend and colleague Ömer Demirok, without whom this paper could not have become what it is. I am grateful to Léa Nash and Mariam Matiashvili for providing me with judgements and comments on Georgian. In addition, many other people have provided helpful comments on and criticisms of this work at various points: Omar Agha, Jonathan Bobaljik, Pavel Caha, Aaron Doliana, Maria Gouskova, Daniel Harbour, Stephanie Harves, Nina Haslinger, Dalina Kallulli, Richard Kayne, Alec Marantz, Kate Mooney, Gereon Müller, Yining Nie, Jeffrey Parrott, Sarah Phillips, Martin Prinzhorn, Michal Starke, Guy Tabachnick, Gary Thoms, Adina Williams, Stanislao Zompì, and three anonymous reviewers have all been generous with their thoughts and suggestions.
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Blix, H. Spans in South Caucasian agreement. Nat Lang Linguist Theory 39, 1–55 (2021). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11049-020-09475-x
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s11049-020-09475-x