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The Dynamics of Political Durability of Cambodia’s Ruling Regime

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Strategies of Authoritarian Survival and Dissensus in Southeast Asia

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Abstract

Firmly entrenched in Cambodia’s political regime are patron–client networks, which have formed among the winning coalitions to maintain the power of Hun Sen for more than three decades. To hold onto power, the patrons, having Hun Sen as chair or central patron, have employed a number of strategies that rely on the design of extractive political and economic institutions. These strategies have coalesced into two main approaches: (i) the protection of the members of the winning coalitions in order to form patron–client networks and enable rent extraction from public goods and natural resources, and (ii) the co-option and circumvention of the challengers. These two strategies are manipulated as necessary to respond to the threat from outsiders or challengers. The central patron of the regime protects the members of the winning coalitions to extract rent from public goods and natural resources, and rents are later distributed to mobilise political support from constituents. In addition, the regime has secured office tenure because of its ability to co-opt and circumvent challengers, including opposition parties and civil society organisations (CSOs). In so doing, the direct or indirect movements of challengers, such as disgruntled grassroots communities and NGOs, appear to achieve mixed outcomes; some of them succeed in achieving their demands or stated objectives, and others fail to do so

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Notes

  1. 1.

    http://www.cambodiainvestment.gov.kh/why-invest-in-cambodia/investment-enviroment/investment-trend.html (accessed on 23 Sept, 2018).

  2. 2.

    United Nations Transitional Authority in Cambodia.

  3. 3.

    Front Uni Nationale pour un Cambodge Independent, Neutrale, Pacifique et Cooperatif.

  4. 4.

    This book prefers the term ‘partial legitimacy’ because the central patron of the regime is believed to has held power without free and fair elections, in addition to establishing repressive and coercive non-winning coalitions. Despite its different types, legitimacy here is referred to as gaining the support of electorates, regardless of electoral irregularities, manipulation, vote-buying, coercion, and non-free and unfair contestation.

  5. 5.

    Interview with a standing member of parliament/ruling party, 18 December 2013.

  6. 6.

    This was a speech recorded by Global Witness “The Green Deal in Cambodia”, which can be accessed at https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=o1ILhuX2-68 (watched on 6 April 2015).

  7. 7.

    At the request of the government, Oknha is a title granted by His Majesty the King of Cambodia to a person who donates US$100,000 (increased to $500,000 in 2017) either in cash or in the form of pagodas, roads or other infrastructure to the government. As of 2014, more than 700 Oknhas had been granted. However, a number of researchers and critiques have alleged that the title has been used for commercial purposes or to threaten ordinary people or lower government officials or authorities to facilitate business.

  8. 8.

    Interview with deputy provincial governor, 15 December 2013, who confirmed that foreign investors allocate certain shares to their Cambodian brokers and they later become local partners.

  9. 9.

    Interview with ELC company CEO, 18 December 2013, and interview with ELC company general manager, 27 November 2013, who shared the same perspective on protection of the business.

  10. 10.

    Informal interview with an official of Minister of Interior (MoI), 15 June 2020.

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Young, S. (2021). The Dynamics of Political Durability of Cambodia’s Ruling Regime. In: Strategies of Authoritarian Survival and Dissensus in Southeast Asia. Palgrave Series in Asia and Pacific Studies. Palgrave Macmillan, Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-33-6112-6_2

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