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The Prison Trajectories of Foreign National Women in Spain: Intersections of Citizenship, Gender, Race, and Social Class

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Abstract

In Spain, where prison studies have not been developed extensively, little attention has been paid to analyzing the trajectories and specificities of the foreign population in the prison system—in particular, those of women. Moreover, over the few last decades, the Spanish prison system has undergone several transformations due to the implementation of new correctional programs, such as the “Respect Modules” (Módulos de Respeto), which promote the participation of the prisoners in the organization of their units, implement a different system of evaluation of prisoners’ behavior, and introduce a new set of rules inside the units. This article analyzes the trajectories of foreign national women prisoners in Spain, focusing on the impact of citizenship, gender, race, and social class on daily life in prison, with particular emphasis on the enactment of practices of self-government. The article contributes to the growing body of literature that shows how the interaction between criminal law and immigration law alters the general aim of social reintegration for prisoners. In addition, the article offers new insights on the particular effects of penal responsibilization projects on different groups of prisoners.

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Fig. 1

Source: Ministry of Home Affairs (2000–2018)

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Notes

  1. It is important to note that Catalonia is the only region with its own prison system.

  2. A “crimmigration prison” is a prison or prison-like institution where immigration control and border control either replaces or is added to the traditional purposes of the institution (Ugelvik 2017: 412).

  3. In the case of women, participation is not really voluntary because they normally occupy one section in a male prison. Thus, if they decide not to participate in the program, they will be transferred to another prison (Ballesteros-Pena 2018).

  4. According to the Spanish government report, Balance of the fight against irregular migration (2015), “qualified deportations” apply to recidivist foreigners (those who have committed a crime and recidivate), perpetrators of certain acts of violence or seriousness, terrorists, prisoners whose sentences are replaced with deportation, and prisoners who have been placed in preventive detention or who have completed their sentences. “Non-qualified deportation,” in contrast, relates to undocumented immigrants.

  5. Linguistic barriers were not an issue raised during my research because the vast majority of participants were Spanish speakers.

  6. Almost all of the interviews were carried out in Spanish. Only a couple of the interviews were conducted using a mixture of Portuguese and Spanish, but this proved not to be an issue as I also understand Portuguese.

  7. In the Spanish Penal Code, “crimes against public health,” such as drug dealing or drug trafficking, represent 29%, while “crimes related to the socioeconomic order,” such as robberies, constitute 39%. According to estimates from Almeda and colleagues (2012), a significant percentage of the crimes related to the socioeconomic order are linked with drug addictions.

  8. Crewe (2011) used the term, “pains of self-government,” to discuss the particular experiences derived from new prison policies based on self-government projects and responsibilization initiatives. I have adapted this concept to my research, paying particular attention to the intersections between citizenship, gender and race in the implementation of responsibilization initiatives in Spain.

  9. All of the names used in this article are pseudonyms.

  10. This “degree of regime” (first, second, third) defines the conditions of incarceration and allows the establishment of the “treatment plan” (Programa individualizado de tratamiento), which includes activities, jobs, etc.

  11. According to Haney (2010:80), “inmates who carve out practices that make them feel useful are more able to distract themselves from the harsh realities of incarceration.”

  12. For a more detailed legal discussion of the impact of incarceration on legal status and deportation, see also Larrauri (2016).

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Acknowledgments

I would like to thank the women who participated in this research project as well as the managers and staff interviewed. Previous versions of this paper were presented at Borders, Racisms and Harms: A Symposium at Birkbeck, University of London, in May 2018, and at the Sociolegal Supporting Group of the Centre for Criminology and Sociolegal Studies, University of Toronto, in February 2019. I also thank the anonymous reviewers, as well as the editors of the special issue, Sarah Turnbull, Monish Bahia and Gemma Lousley, for their valuable comments and suggestions.

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  1. Centre for Criminology and Sociolegal Studies, University of Toronto, Toronto, ON, Canada

    Ana Ballesteros-Pena

  2. Departamento de Dereito Público, Universidade da Coruña, Campus de Elviña, 15071, A Coruña, Galicia, Spain

    Ana Ballesteros-Pena

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Correspondence to Ana Ballesteros-Pena.

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Ballesteros-Pena, A. The Prison Trajectories of Foreign National Women in Spain: Intersections of Citizenship, Gender, Race, and Social Class. Crit Crim 28, 243–258 (2020). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10612-020-09516-2

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