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In contact with the medium: ‘knižnaja sprava’ in 16th-century Russia

На связи со средством языкового распространения: ‘книжная справа’ в России в XVI в.

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Abstract

The Russian ‘correction of the books’ resulted from the growing distance between Church Slavonic and the further developing East Slavic vernacular which led to numerous linguistic defects in the manually copied authoritative texts. From a philological point of view this development is understandable, but from a culturological point of view it is puzzling, as the Russian efforts at correcting manually copied texts coincided with the introduction of book printing in Western Europe. In Western Europe the transformation of hand written texts into printed ones became a commercial business and resulted in language standardization, the reduction of production costs and an increase in the number of customers. In Russia the ‘correction of the books’ could have been used to introduce this new technique, but on the contrary, book printing was demoted, icon devotion promoted and the greatest manuscript collections ever were inaugurated. In the end, book printing was introduced, but for clerical and governmental purposes and not for everyday business purposes. Identifying all possible factors that influenced the Russian approach to book printing is a task that is far beyond the scope of a single essay. The present paper instead is devoted to analyzing different aspects of the medium in order to present a broader picture of the development of the Russian language.

Аннотация

‘Книжная справа’ в России возникла на основе ситуации, когда развивающийся разговорный восточнославянский русский язык все больше отдалялся от Церковнославянского языка южнославянского исвода, вследствие чего немалое количество лингвистических ошибок накапливалось в авторитетных цксл. рукописях. То, что можно понять с филологической точки зрения, остается загадкой с культурологической точки зрения, поскольку ‘книжная справа’ в России совпадает с введением книгопечатания в Западной Европе. В Западной Европе трансформация рукописного текста в печатный формат с самого начала представляла собой коммерческий бизнес, включающий в себя стремления к языковой стандартизации на орфографическом и грамматическом уровнях, которые уменьшили бы расходы на печать и умножили бы число покупателей печатного продукта. ‘Книжная справа’ в России могла бы также проводиться в рамках новой техники книгопечатания, но вместо этого, книгопечатание сталкивалось с препятствиями, в то время как иконопочитание стимулировалось и самые крупные в славянском мире рукописные проекты начинались. Только с опозданием в 100 лет книгопечатание было введено в России, но, не как гражданское, а государственное дело. В рамках одной статьи невозможно идентифицировать все обстоятельства, повлиявшие на становление книгопечатания в России в XVI в. В данной статье для более обширного представления о развитии русского языка представлены различные взгляды на средство языкового распространения.

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Notes

  1. Usually, 1581 is given as the year of printing according to the title page of all exemplars, although some of them have 1580 in the colophon (Kraljuk, Turkonjak, and Pasičnyk 2010, p. 44); the imprint of this book in contradiction to the title page says 2011. See Chan (2010) for a linguistic analysis of the corrected texts of the Ostrog Bible.

  2. For a periodization of hand-written book production based on differences in the production process, see Stoljarova (2014, p. 246), who differentiates a first period (10th–14th century), when the scriptoria were organized in greater urban churches (writings on parchment), from a second period (15th–first half 16th century), which began with the introduction of Cenobitic monasticism when the scriptoria were also found in greater municipal monasteries (writings on paper), a situation which remains stagnant even after the advent of book printing.

  3. Wieczynski (1972, p. 383), who gives numerous examples for ‘catholic’ contacts of Gennadij.

  4. The admonition to Grek stated that his wording expressed “jako sidenie […] mimošedšee est’ ” (quoted in Kravec 1991, p. 250). The word mimošedšee here must be understood in less of a grammatical sense (‘preterite’) than in the literal sense as a (temporal) ‘passing’, in contrast to ‘eternal’.

  5. Kravec (1991, p. 249) explains Grek’s “vvedenie perfektnyx form v funkcii aorista i imperfekta” as a conscious translatorial decision (see ibid. 250 her interpretation of the ‘heretic’ expression ‘having sat to the right of the Father’, which I do not find convincing). I would rather offer the possibility that the regular change (gr. aorist is translated by Maksim as lat. perfect tense which results in Church Slavonic perfect tense by mechanical translation of Grek’s co-workers) has been caused due to the lack of the aorist tense in Latin, the target language of Grek’s translations.

  6. Cf. ibid. 101: “Zatěm slěduet tvoemu prepodobiju znat’, čto svjatiteli pomazujut i carej na carstvo, věnčajut i utverždajut ix, a ne cari postavljajut svjatitelej.”

  7. The form of his name without an umlaut (‘Bulow’) is commonly accepted. Grek (1910, vol. 2, pp. 121–134) wrote “Protiv lživago sočinenija Nikolaja němčina” and other tractates against the Latin ‘heresy’. Bulow attempted “to persuade the Muscovite religious hierarchy and government officials that reunion of the Latin and Orthodox churches was neither difficult nor undesirable” (Wieczyński 1972, p. 381).

  8. The library of Ivan IV contained the writings of Maksim Grek (Zarubin and Amosov 1982, p. 90), which demonstrates that Maksim’s work had been of some influence in Moscow.

  9. Barenbaum (1991, p. 18) also mentions a ‘speculation’ that Francisk Skoryna had been to Moscow.

  10. Only for the sake of comparison: The first printed Czech book in Bohemia may have been the Kronika trojanská of 1468, but ‘because there is no conclusive evidence’ of this, the Statuta Synodalia Arnesti from 1476 (Pavlík 2013, p. 462; already Dobrovský 1782, p. 230) are considered the first printed book in Bohemia.

  11. Velikie Minei Čet’i, sobrannye vserossijskim mitropolitom Makariem, ed. Imperatorskaja Arxeografičeskaja kommissija, 14 vols. S.-Peterburg, Moskva 1868–1916. Die Großen Lesemenäen des Metropoliten Makarij, Uspenskij spisok, ed. Eckhard Weiher, Sigurd Ottovič Šmidt, Aleksandr Ivanovič Škurko, 9 vols. Freiburg i. Br. 1997–2013.

  12. Kniga stepennaja carskogo rodoslovija. Čast’ pervaja, S.-Peterburg 1908. Čast’ vtoraja, S.-Peterburg 1913.

  13. Licevoj letopisnyj svod XVI veka. Russkaja letopisnaja istorija, Facsimile, ed. Charis Ch. Mustafin, 24 vols. Moscow 2009–2010.

  14. Finally, VMČ served as the textual foundation for the printed ‘Reading Menaion’ (1689–1705) by Dimitrij Tuptalo. Cf. Rostovskij, D. = Tuptalo D. S., Žitija Svjatyx, 15 vols., ed. Vvedenskaja Optina Pustyn’. Moskva 1991–1993 (Reprint of Žitja Svjatyx, na russkom jazyke izložennye po rukovodstvu Čet’ix Minej sv. Dimitrija Rostovskogo. Moskva 1903–1911, Supp. 1908, 1916).

  15. Usačev (2015, p. 164) asks whether there were regional centres for manuscript production and comes to the conclusion, that “perepiska knig velas’ praktičeski na vsej territorii strany.”

  16. Already Baxtiarov (1890, p. 78 ff., p. 86) correctly connected the end of the ‘smutnoe vremja’ with renewed efforts in Russia towards regular book printing, while his considerations about the hindrances, book printing had to face in 16th c. Russia, are only speculative. Manuscript production in Russia above all was a monastic matter and hardly there was any considerable number of professional scribes in Moscow which would have lost their income because of mechanical book reproduction and therefore would have resisted its introduction.

  17. Positioning Russia as head of all orthodox states was a long-time strategy in Moscow’s foreign policy; cf. Kaštanov, Stoljarova, and Koroleva (2013, p. 164): “Ščedroj rukoj milostynnika [id est Ivan IV; Th.D.] dvigal xolodnyj političeskij rasčet.” As an effect of this foreign policy, the Russian Metropolitan himself did not play a major role in international affairs, which primarily became the tsar’s area of operation instead.

  18. Cf. Rumjanceva (2010, p. 245): Nikon’s personal library contained copious amount of Russian and foreign books, in both manuscript and print editions.

  19. Podtergera bases her observations on James Barr (The Typology of Literalism in Ancient Biblical Translations (Nachrichten der Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Göttingen, Phil.-hist. Klasse, 11; Mitteilungen des Spetuaginta-Unternehmens [MSU], 15). Göttingen 1979.

  20. The economic success of humanist book printing is already evident by the mass of multiple reprints (cf. Andronov 2014, p. 155 about Beatus Rhenanus).

  21. Schmitz (1990, p. 9) names “Bürgertum und Klerus” as possible customers; also refer to the broad thematic range of printed books for an urban reading public in Cologne.

  22. The connection between urbanization and worldview is addressed in the chapter “Die Organisationsform der Stadt als Denkform der Neuzeit” in Dux (2000). For another perspective on this subject, refer to Daiber (2009) on lingual change (individualized expressions) and social change (the Russian middle class). Admittedly, I would be more cautious today in drawing direct parallels between language and society.

  23. According to Kurbskij, Ivan (wrote “sverx mery […] celymi knigami, paremijami, celymi poslanijami” (Lur’e and Rykov 1993, p. 163).

  24. Blumenberg (1986, p. 34) in respect to the Middle Ages: “Der Absolutismus des Buches [of the Bible, Th.D.] verhindert dessen metaphorischen Gebrauch für die Welt.” ‘The absolutism of the Book [the Bible, Th.D.] prevents that ‘book’ can be used as a metaphor for the ‘world’.’

  25. Platon, Sämtliche Dialoge, ed. Otto Apelt. 7 vols. Hamburg 1988, here vol. 2, p. 103 (paraphrasis Th.D.)

  26. Ivan IV’s contemporaries made no significant distinction between different media: “Kak vidim, Lazar’ stavit v odin rjad izmenenija prestola v cerkvi, oblačenija svjaščenstva, sobstvenno rituala (krestnoe znamenie), i, nakonec, verbal’nogo teksta molitv” (Sazonova 2008, p. 75).

  27. A prominent example thereof is the icon “Dostojno est’ …” (Smirnova 1988, Nr. 186), a four square icon with each square showing the Mother of God accompanied by quotations from orthodox liturgy, thereby combining the Russian Orthodox Church represented by the Mother of God, who in Russia is closely connected to the Holy Spirit (Tarasov 1995, p. 62) with (or ‘situating the Russian OC … within’) the universal orthodox liturgy.

  28. “Moskau, das Dritte Rom und das Heilige Russland. Die russische Orthodoxie als Retterin des Abendlandes”, Radio Berlin-Brandenburg, 07.04.2015. Author: Jürgen Buch.

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  1. Slavic Studies, Justus-Liebig-Universität Giessen, Giessen, Germany

    Thomas Daiber

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I would like to thank Elizabeth McNeill (GCSC Gießen / Univ. Michigan) very much for editing the language of my paper.

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Daiber, T. In contact with the medium: ‘knižnaja sprava’ in 16th-century Russia. Russ Linguist 42, 137–158 (2018). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11185-018-9191-y

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