Skip to main content
Log in

The Myth of the Independent Variable: Reconceptualizing Class, Gender, Race, and Age as Subcultural Processes

  • Published:
The American Sociologist Aims and scope Submit manuscript

Abstract

Although social class, religion, gender, ethnicity and age are often treated as independent variables (e.g., factors, forces, structures) and invoked as causal explanations for various outcomes, this paper approaches these constructs in more distinctive, humanly-engaged terms. Rather than representing forces that almost mysteriously impose themselves on people, these constructs are to be understood more fundamentally as the products and processes of human group life. We are not denying the linkages of social categories with other aspects of community life but contend that these correlates represent comparatively superficial reflections of the much broader underlying sets of processes that characterize social life. Indeed, we argue that it is these sets of humanly engaged social processes rather than correlational research that constitute the more authentic subject matter of the social sciences.

This is a preview of subscription content, log in via an institution to check access.

Access this article

Price excludes VAT (USA)
Tax calculation will be finalised during checkout.

Instant access to the full article PDF.

Similar content being viewed by others

Notes

  1. See Puddephatt and Prus (2007) for a somewhat related statement on “causality as a social process” that is rooted in the classical Greek scholarship of Plato and Aristotle as well as the more contemporary American Pragmatism associated with George Herbert Mead and Herbert Blumer.

  2. See, for example, Athen’s (1984, 1993, 2002) comprehensive framing of Blumer’s work on naturalist inquiry, industrial relations, and institutional social action.

  3. Here we distinguish the social sciences from other scientific inquiry. As Dilthey (1976) has eloquently argued, an understanding of the human condition demands a distinct epistemology from that employed by the natural sciences (also see Blumer 1969; Strauss 1993; Prus 1996, 1999).

  4. Also see Blumer 1969: especially 127–139 [1956] and 140–152 [1954].

  5. Although he is best known as the primary architect of sociological positivism, Emile Durkheim later (see Moral Education, The Elementary Forms of the Religious Life) explicitly criticizes Cartesian rationalist thought on this basis. Thus, in contrast to earlier texts (especially Suicide, 1897), Durkheim will flatly state that it is inappropriate to reduce the dynamic complexity of human group life to its simplest conceivable elements.

  6. As indicated elsewhere (Prus 1992), positivist social science conceptions of the ways that people engage the physical sciences also are notably flawed. See Knorr-Cetina (1995) and Campbell (2003), amongst others, for a further indication of the literature attending to scientists at work and the social construction of scientific knowledge.

  7. See Dietz et al. (1994) for research in multiple settings that illustrates our general point here. Readers are also directed to Trice (1993).

  8. See Prus’ (1997) Subcultural Mosaics and Intersubjective Realities for a more extended consideration of societies as constituted through multiple realms of activity.

  9. It is worth noting that in attempting to explain the outcomes or end products (the dependent variables), analysts effectively place primary focus on the “residual” or “leftover” aspects of process rather than on the ways that things are generated, produced—i.e., the “in the making” process, wherein things actually take place. It may be asked if we should assign much confidence to explanations that start at the residual or product end of some set of processes as opposed to examining the instances of the developmental flows in extended detail. Even less confidence may be placed in those who seem reluctant to examine the developmental process even though this information often is readily available through sustained inquiry into actual cases.

  10. Readers might appreciate that instead of viewing these concepts as independent variables or as things that somehow cause or generate particular outcomes, the emphasis is on providing ways of comprehending, examining, and analyzing the humanly enacted features of the social categories that many sociologists consider especially central to human group life.

    Relatedly, it is contended that the matters often presented as dependent variables in structuralist analysis also may be most productively examined and understood in rather parallel-process terms—when outcomes are not simply viewed as “dead-end” results but are envisioned (contextualized) in terms of the humanly engaged fields of activity associated with those outcomes.

  11. See Rosaldo (1989) for a careful analysis of the cultural basis of emotion from an ethnographic perspective.

References

  • Athens, L. (1984). Blumer’s method of naturalistic inquiry: A critical examination. Studies in Symbolic Interaction, 5, 241–257.

    Google Scholar 

  • Athens, L. (1993). Blumer’s advanced course on social psychology. Studies in Symbolic Interaction, 14, 163–193.

    Google Scholar 

  • Athens, L. (2002). “Domination”: The blind spot in mead’s analysis of the social act. Journal of Classical Sociology, 2(1), 25–42.

    Google Scholar 

  • Blumer, H. (1969). Symbolic interactionism: Perspective and method. Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall.

    Google Scholar 

  • Campbell, R. A. (2003). Preparing the next generation of scientists: The social process of managing students. Social Studies of Science, 33(6), 897–927.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Dewey, J. (1929). The quest for certainty: A study of the relation of knowledge and action. New York: Milton Balch.

    Google Scholar 

  • Dietz, M., Shaffir, W., & Prus R. (eds.) (1994). Doing everyday life: Ethnography as human lived experience. Mississauga: Copp Clark Longman.

  • Dilthey, W. (1976). Selected writings (Translated and introduced by H. P. Rickman, ed.) Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

  • Durkheim, E. (1912). The elementary forms of the religious life. (Translated by J. W. Swain). London: Allen and Unwin.

  • Gaudio, R. P. (1998). Male lesbians and other queer notions in Hausa. In S. O. Murray, & W. Roscoe (Eds.) Boy-wives and female husbands: Studies of African homosexualities (pp. 115–128). New York: St. Marin’s Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Goffman, E. (1959). The presentation of self in everyday life. New York: Anchor.

    Google Scholar 

  • Goffman, E. (1963). Stigma. Englewood Cliffs: Spectrum.

    Google Scholar 

  • Grills, S. (2004). Gambling and the human condition: Transcending the deviant mystique. eGambling: The Electronic Journal of Gambling Issues, 10, 12, (Feb.). Retrieved from http://www.camh.net/egambling/issue10/ejgi_10_grills.html.

  • Hass, J. (1977). Learning real feelings: A study of high steel ironworkers’ reactions to fear and danger. Sociology of Work and Occupations, 4, 147–170 (May).

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Kuhn, T. (1970). The structure of scientific revolutions (revised edition). Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Knorr-Cetina, K. (1995). Laboratory studies: The cultural approach to the study of science. In S. Jasanoff, G. E. Markle, J. C. Petersen, & T. Pinch (Eds.) Handbook of science and technology studies (pp. 140–166). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.

    Google Scholar 

  • Maines, D. R. (2001). The faultline of consciousness: A view of interactionism. New York: Gruyter.

    Google Scholar 

  • Mead, G. H. (1934). Mind, self, and society. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Prus, R. (1992). Producing social science: Knowledge as a social problem in Academia. In G. Miller, & J. Holstein (Eds.) Perspectives in social problems, Vol. 3 (pp. 57–78). Greenwich, CN: JAI Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Prus, R. (1996). Symbolic interaction and ethnographic research. Albany: SUNY Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Prus, R. (1997). Subcultural Mosaics and intersubjective realities. Albany: SUNY Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Prus, R. (1999). Beyond the power mystique. Albany: SUNY Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Prus, R., & Grills, S. (2003). The deviant mystique. Westport: Praeger.

    Google Scholar 

  • Puddephatt, A., & Prus, R. (2007).Causality, agency, and reality: Plato & Aristotle meet George Herbert Mead & Herbert Blumer.” Sociological Focus, 40(3), 265–286.

    Google Scholar 

  • Rosaldo, R. (1989). Culture and truth: The remaking of social analysis. Boston: Beacon Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Strauss, A. (1993). Continual permutations of action. Hawthorne: Aldine de Gruyter.

    Google Scholar 

  • Trice, H. M. (1993). Occupational subcultures in the workplace. Ithaca, NY: ILR.

    Google Scholar 

  • Wolf, C. (1994). Conversion to feminism. In M. L. Dietz, R. Prus, & W. Shaffir (Eds.)Doing everyday life: Ethnography as human lived experience (pp. 143–157). Mississauga: Copp Clark Longman.

    Google Scholar 

Download references

Acknowledgement

The authors wish to thank Sheilagh Grills, Dorothy Pawluch, and Tony Puddephatt, as well as Lawrence Nichols (editor, The American Sociologist) for their helpful feedback on earlier versions of this paper.

Author information

Authors and Affiliations

Authors

Corresponding author

Correspondence to Scott Grills.

Rights and permissions

Reprints and permissions

About this article

Cite this article

Grills, S., Prus, R. The Myth of the Independent Variable: Reconceptualizing Class, Gender, Race, and Age as Subcultural Processes. Am Soc 39, 19–37 (2008). https://doi.org/10.1007/s12108-007-9026-6

Download citation

  • Published:

  • Issue Date:

  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s12108-007-9026-6

Keywords

Navigation