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A Study of Nation Building in Malaysia

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Abstract

Nation building is a major issue in the political agenda of many countries, a project made more arduous in countries fragmented along racial, linguistic, and religious lines. In an attempt to gain some understanding of the issue, this paper examines the trajectory of nation building in Malaysia. Basically, the Malaysia government uses the model of nation-state to create a sense of collective national identity in a multi-ethnic society. It is a top-down approach with the state playing a dominating role. The main political parties are communal parties, based on race or religion. Well-crafted programs of nation building have been not properly implemented. While the government has achieved impressive economic development, it is at the same time becoming more authoritarian and the country faces a range of disturbing social and political problems. Thanks to a growing educated middle class, urbanization, demographic change, globalization, and the spread of the Internet, mass-based civil movements and a multi-ethnic coalition of opposition parties have emerged with the potential of redressing the situation. The study suggests a framework for understanding the trajectory and dynamics of the nation-building project in Malaysia. The framework gives a list of historical forces that are likely to shape the course of nation building in the coming years.

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Notes

  1. For reason of length, I will not dwell on occasional tendencies of demands for autonomy by Sabah and Sarawak.

  2. Bumiputra literally means son of the soil. The term refers to the Malays and other non-Malay indigenous ethnic groups.

  3. Shamsul [91] argues that “the emergence ‘Malay,’ ‘Chinese,’ ‘Indian,’ and ‘others’ as officially sanctioned ethnic categories under colonial governance led, for instance, to the designation of all sorts of imagined and real attributes, such as religion, language, indigenousness, and customary habits as Malay or Chinese or Indian. Prior to this, Malay identity and consciousness were based on sub-ethnicities; people identified themselves as Javanese, Sumatran, Rawa, Achenese, Minangkabau, Bugis, and so on. The Chinese, too, identified themselves based on their dialect groups, and the Indians by caste and sub-ethnic group [p.137]”

  4. The last two nations-of-intent are not discussed in this paper. After China has opted for economic reform in 1978 and the Soviet Union’s collapse in 1991, the socialist appeal has dwindled. The theocratic nation-of-intent is treated in the excellent work of Farish Noor [76].

  5. Malays have a higher fertility rate than non-Malays. Moreover, more non-Malays than Malays are emigrating. According to latest 2010 census, Malays and non-Malay Bumiputeras have fertility rate of 2.8, Chinese 1.8, and Indians 2.0. source: Demographics of Malaysia

    https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Demographics_of_Malaysia

  6. Partai Rakyat merged with Keadilan (Justice Party) in 2003 to form Parti Keadilan Rakyat or PKR.

  7. The ISA is a law inherited from the British colonial power; it allows for indefinite imprisonment without trial. ISA political prisoners often alleged they were tortured during detention to extract “confessions” which were used to justify their detention. The more well-known detainees were adopted by the Amnesty International as prisoners of conscience.

  8. Both developments were revolutionary and involved the toppling of Western-backed monarchs. Arab nationalism was secular and socialist in nature. The Islamic republic represented a form of revolutionary Islam that recognized a degree of popular sovereignty [37].

  9. One may ask why the UMNO dominated government would produce relatively inclusive document. To become the UMNO president, the time-honored practice is to have strong credentials as Malay nationalist and (lately) also Islamist. But on becoming prime minister, he has to function as the leader of the whole country, to run the country and win general elections, which require the support of the non-Malays. This behavior is explained by Cheah [19].

  10. However, this might not be the full story. A study based on declassified documents argues that the tragic incident was actually created by an emerging fraction within UMNO who wanted to initiate a coup against the then prime minister Tunku Abdul Rahman [52].

  11. The English version of Rukun Negara is below:

    Whereas our country, Malaysia nurtures the ambitions of:

    • Achieving a more perfect unity among the whole of her society;

    • Preserving a democratic way of life;

    • Creating a just society where the prosperity of the country can be enjoyed together in a fair and equitable manner;

    • Guaranteeing a liberal approach towards her rich and varied cultural traditions; and

    • Building a progressive society that will make use of science and modern technology.

    We, her peoples, pledge our united efforts to attain these ends guided by these principles:

    • Belief in god

    • Loyalty to king and country

    • Upholding the constitution

    • Rule of law

    • Good behavior and morality

  12. This was pointed out to the author by a Japanese visiting Malaysia; he thought he had gone to the wrong country!

  13. He continued to do so during the UMNO annual assembly in 2006 and 2007. This act was to cost BN dearly in the 2008 elections. Only then did he apologize for his keris waving.

  14. ASEAN or Association of Southeast Asian Nations is the regional body of ten Southeast Asian countries. Malaysia and Myanmar are both members of ASEAN. One of its cardinal operating principles is non-interference in each other’s internal affairs.

  15. Najib is both the Prime Minister and the Finance Minister. The Prime Minister’s Department has 9 cabinet ministers!

  16. Many critical articles appear in on-line news portals such as The Malaysian Insider (it operated from 25 Feb 2008 to 15 March 2016), Malaysiakini, Free Malaysian Today, Rebuilding Malaysia, The antdaily, and Din Merican: the Malaysian DJ Blogger

  17. “Pendatang” is a common Malay phrase used to refer to foreigners or immigrants. Some politicians use it as pejorative way of addressing non-Bumiputera Malaysians [117].

  18. In the foreword, Abdullah Badawi expresses the hope that the book would encourage an informed and rational dialog on the ways Islam is used as a source of public law and policy in multiracial and multi-religious Malaysia yet within the letter and spirit of the Constitution. The book was launched in December 2015 by UMNO’s longest-serving MP Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah, who has been a former vice president of UMNO and a senior cabinet minister.

  19. As part of its inner party conflicts, UMNO was declared illegal by the court in 1988 because of some unregistered branches. UMNO Baru (New UMNO) was registered to take over UMNO.

  20. Just take the case of Tajuddin Abdul Rahman, an UMNO member and a deputy cabinet minister. On 21 November 2016, during parliamentary debate, he made the sexist remark that a fellow woman MP Teresa Kok was the only woman with a “kok”, and refused to apologize when asked to. This minister has an interesting background. In 1995, he was expelled from UMNO following allegations that he had paid RM6 million to secure his position as a division chief, a case connected to alleged corruption in the award of a RM1.3 billion contract to his company to build the Mara University of Technology campus in Tapah, Perak. In 2008, he used the words “bastard” and “bloody bastard” against another fellow MP M Kulasegaran. In 2015, he was reported to have threatened to slap any Chinese who would complain about Malaysia when abroad.

  21. Anwar Ibrahim, a former student leader once detained under the ISA, joined UMNO in 1982 and rose quickly in the party and government. He became the deputy UMNO president in 1992 and by virtue of that also the Deputy Prime Minister. However, he fell out with Prime Minister Mahathir in 1998. He was subsequently expelled from the party and was jailed on what many people see as tramped up charges.

  22. The 1957 Federal Constitution allowed for at most 15% disparity in population size between the largest and smallest constituency, but subsequent amendments in 1962 and 1973 first loosened then removed those restrictions. The largest constituency now has over nine times the population of the smallest constituency [113]. The system is heavily skewed in favor of UMNO; the small constituencies are in the rural areas which are UMNO’s vote bank. This distortion of the process of democratic election in Malaysia ranks among the highest in the world [80]. For example, in the 2013 general elections, even with 4% deficit in the popular vote, the incumbent coalition has a 20% winning margin of parliamentary seats. “This creates an institutionalized bias against the opposition and risks increasing polarization in the Malaysian polity [80, p.521].”

  23. The World Bank estimated that the number of Malaysians working abroad exceeds one million, or some 3.7% of the nation’s populace – significantly higher than the world average of 3% [119].

    In a 2015 report, the Penang Institute claimed that 308,834 Malaysian talents had migrated overseas in 2013 alone [29].

  24. In terms of per capita GDP, Singapore is ranked 3rd according to the IMF, Malaysia is ranked 45th [116].

    The Corruption Perceptions Index measures the perceived levels of public sector corruption worldwide. The higher up the ranking, the less corrupt the public sector is. In 2015, Singapore is ranked 8th while Malaysia is ranked 54th [104].

  25. Singapore has a majority Chinese population and practices multi-culturalism and meritocracy. The country has low crime rate, quality educational system, clean and efficient bureaucracy, high-performing economy. Racial politics holds Malaysian politicians back from openly advocating the merits of learning from Singapore.

  26. Kevin Tan “Private Communication”, 2 October 2016

  27. It would be interesting to do a comparative study of Malaysia and some African countries which fall victim to sectarianism and have nearly become failed states. One approach is to look at the nature of the societies. Many African societies are still tribal in nature.

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Acknowledgements

The author would like to thank the two anonymous reviewers, and Professor Kevin Tan of National University of Singapore and three unnamed scholars in Malaysia for their thoughtful comments. The author is responsible for the shortcomings of the paper.

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Correspondence to Michael S. H. Heng.

Appendices

Appendix 1

Table 1 Appropriation of government funds to primary schools (1991–2005)

Appendix 2

Table 2 Per capita GDP in 19602015

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Heng, M.S.H. A Study of Nation Building in Malaysia. East Asia 34, 217–247 (2017). https://doi.org/10.1007/s12140-017-9275-0

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