1 Introduction

On December 20, 2019 the Dutch Supreme Court (hereinafter: SC) rendered the world’s ‘“Strongest” Climate Ruling Yet’, according to a headline in the New York Times.Footnote 1 It upheld a judgment that the Dutch State is obliged to reduce, by the end of 2020, its greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions by at least 25% compared to 1990.Footnote 2 The case was initiated by Urgenda, a Dutch NGO striving for a rapid transition towards a sustainable society.Footnote 3 The judgment is groundbreaking and courageous.

What follows is a summary of the judgment (Sect. 2), a commentary (Sects. 314) and an assessment of the judgment’s wider implications (Sect. 15).

2 From the District Court to the Supreme Court: A Summary

The summary is borrowed from the unofficial English translation of the Supreme Court’s summary. In the translation the summary emphasises that it ‘does not supersede the grounds for this judgment’. The Dutch text speaks of ‘komt niet in de plaats van’ which means—my translation—‘does not substitute’. Below, quotations from the judgment are also borrowed from the unofficial translation.

In 2015 the District Court of The Hague ordered the State to reduce its emissions by the end of 2020 by at least 25% compared to 1990. In 2018 the Court of Appeal of The Hague confirmed this judgment. The SC rejected the State’s appeal.

The SC observed that it is not disputed that climate change poses a genuine threat in the coming decades. The SC elaborates on that point, emphasising that according to more recent insights global warming should not go beyond 1.5 °C.Footnote 5

Turning to the protection of human rights, based on the European Convention on the Protection of Human Rights (hereinafter: ECHR), the SC noted that the Convention requires the States parties to the Convention to protect the rights established therein for their inhabitants. Article 2 ECHR protects the right to life, while Article 8 ECHR ensures the right to respect for private and family life. According to the case law of the European Court of Human Rights (hereinafter: ECtHR), these provisions oblige a contracting State to take suitable measures if a real and immediate risk to people’s lives or welfareFootnote 6 exists and the State is aware of that risk.

The obligation to take suitable measures also applies to environmental hazards that threaten large groups or the population as a whole, even if the hazards will only materialise over the long term. While Articles 2 and 8 ECHR are not permitted to result in an impossible or disproportionate burden being imposed on a State, they do oblige the State to take measures that are suitable to avert the imminent hazard as much as reasonably possible. Pursuant to Article 13 ECHR, national law must offer an effective legal remedy against a violation or an imminent violation of the rights protected by the ECHR.

Each country is responsible for its own share of GHG emissions. Hence, it cannot escape responsibility by arguing that, compared to the rest of the world, its own emissions are relatively limited in scope and that a reduction would have very little impact on a global scale. The State is obliged to reduce its GHG emissions in proportion to its share. This obligation is based on Articles 2 and 8 ECHR, because there is a grave risk that dangerous climate change will occur, endangering the lives and welfare of many people in the Netherlands.

When giving substance to the positive obligations imposed on the State pursuant to Articles 2 and 8 ECHR, broadly supported scientific insights and internationally accepted standards must be taken into account. Important in this respect are, inter alia, the reports by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (hereinafter: IPCC). The IPCC’s 2007 report contains a scenario in which global warming could reasonably be expected to be limited to a maximum of 2 °C. To that effect the (Kyoto Protocol) Annex I countries would have to reduce their emissions in 2020 by 25–40%, and in 2050 by 80–95%, compared to 1990. At the annual climate conferences held in the context of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (hereinafter: UNFCCC) since 2007, virtually every country has regularly pointed out the necessity of acting in accordance with the scenario of the IPCC and achieving a 25–40% reduction of GHG gas emissions in 2020. The scientifically supported necessity of reducing emissions by 30% in 2020, compared to 1990, has been expressed on multiple occasions by and in the EU.

Since 2007, a broadly supported insight has arisen that, to be safe,Footnote 7 global warming must remain limited to 1.5 °C, rather than 2 °C. The Paris Agreement of 2015 therefore expressly states that the States must strive to limit warming to 1.5 °C. That will require an even greater emissions reduction than was previously assumed. Hence, there is a great degree of consensus on the urgent necessity for the Annex I countries to reduce GHG emissions by at least 25–40% in 2020. This consensus must be taken into consideration when interpreting and applying Articles 2 and 8 ECHR.

Until 2011, the State’s policy was aimed at achieving a reduction of 30% in 2020 compared to 1990. According to the State, that was necessary to stay on a credible pathway to keep the 2 °C target within reach. After 2011, however, the State’s reduction target for 2020 was lowered from a 30% reduction by the Netherlands to a 20% reduction in an EU context. The State has not explained that—and why—a reduction of just 20% in 2020 is considered responsible in an EU context, in contrast to the 25–40% reduction in 2020, which is internationally broadly supported and is considered necessary.

There is a broad consensus ‘within’ climate science and the international community that the longer reduction measures to achieve the envisaged final target are postponed, the more comprehensive and more expensive they will become. A postponement also creates a greater risk of an abrupt climate change occurring as the result of a tipping point being reached. In light of that generally accepted insight, it was up to the State to explain that the proposed acceleration of the reduction after 2020 would be feasible and sufficiently effective to meet the targets for 2030 and 2050, and thus to keep the 2 °C target and the 1.5 °C target within reach. The State failed to do so.

The State has asserted that it is not for the courts to undertake the political considerations necessary for a decision on the reduction of GHG emissions. In the Dutch system of government, the decision-making on GHG emissions belongs to the government and parliament. They have a large degree of discretion to make the political considerations necessary in this regard. It is up to the courts to decide whether the government and parliament have remained within the limits of the law. Those limits ensue inter alia from the ECHR. The Dutch Constitution requires Dutch courts to apply the ECHR provisions in accordance with the ECtHR’s interpretation of these provisions. This mandate for the courts to offer legal protection, even against the government, is an essential component of a democratic state under the rule of law.

The Court of Appeal’s judgment is consistent with the foregoing, as it held that the State’s policy regarding GHG reduction is obviously not meeting the requirements pursuant to Articles 2 and 8 ECHR to take suitable measures to protect the residents of the Netherlands from dangerous climate change. Furthermore, the order which the Court of Appeal issued was limited to the lower limit (25%) of the internationally endorsed minimum reduction of 25–40% in 2020. This order leaves it up to the State to determine which specific measures it will take to comply with that order. If legislative measures are required to achieve such compliance, it is up to the State to determine what specific legislation is desirable and necessary.

3 The Human Rights Angle

Part of the ideas submitted in this case note is borrowed from my case note in Dutch in Nederlandse Jurisprudentie 2020/41.

At first instance the District Court based its decision on tort law (in brief: a legally relevant threat of irreversible damage).Footnote 9 That legal basis was challenged by Urgenda on appeal. The Court of Appeal turned to human rights law as the legal basis for its judgment. It did not answer the question of whether tort law could also be a viable legal basis.Footnote 10

The judgment mentions in particular Article 2 (the right to life) and Article 8 ECHR (the right to respect for private and family life).Footnote 11 It should be emphasised that the SC confined itself to Dutch residentsFootnote 12 (Urgenda speaks about citizens). Human rights law is a sound legal basis for the injunctive relief granted, I think.Footnote 13 The SC’s explanation is convincing.

A recent Irish judgment takes a different stance: ‘it is not for the domestic court to declare rights under the Convention, but that is a matter for the European Court’.Footnote 14

A recent decision of the UN Human Rights Committee in the context of a climate change refugee deported by New Zealand to Kiribati illustrates that the view that climate change and human rights are inter-linked is no longer a novelty.Footnote 15

Under Article 2 ECHR a State has to take ‘appropriate steps if there is a real and immediate risk to persons and the state […] is aware of that risk’. Real and immediate refers to ‘a risk that is both genuine and imminent. The term “immediate” does not refer to imminence in the sense that the risk must materialise within a short period of time, but rather that the risk in question is directly threatening the persons involved. The protection of Article 2 ECHR also regards risks that may only materialise in the longer term.’Footnote 16 Further down the SC elaborates on this point. In light of the facts

no other conclusion can be drawn but that the State is required pursuant to Articles 2 and 8 ECHR to take measures to counter the genuine threat of dangerous climate change if this were merely a national problem. Given the findings above […] this constitutes a ‘real and immediate risk’ […] and it entails the risk that the lives and welfare of Dutch residents could be seriously jeopardised. The same applies to, inter alia, a possible sharp rise in the sea level, which could render part of the Netherlands uninhabitable. The fact that this risk will only be able to materialise a few decades from now and that it will not impact specific persons or a specific group of persons but large parts of the population does not mean […] that Articles 2 and 8 EHCR offer no protection from this threat.Footnote 17

The SC has ruled that ‘based on the aforementioned facts’ the Court of Appeal’s judgment ‘that there was “a real threat of dangerous climate change, resulting in the serious risk that the current generation of citizens will be confronted with loss of life and/or a disruption of family life”’ is quite understandable.Footnote 18

The SC seemingly refers to ‘local areas of extreme heat, extreme drought, extreme precipitation, or other extreme weather’, an adverse impact on health, the loss of territory and human livesFootnote 19 and explicitly to sea level rise.

The SC seems to think that one or more of these adverse consequences will scourge the Netherlands, or at least a sufficient number of its citizens, within the lifetime of the current generation. This does not clearly follow from the facts on which the judgment is based, but it is certainly not unlikely, to say the least. After all, the Netherlands already experiences serious droughts. It is beyond reasonable doubt that things will deteriorate as global temperature increases.

The rather undetermined risk formulated in the judgment makes it difficult to assess whether it is convincing on this point. So much is clear: the SC takes the view that the real threat may materialise within the lifespan of the current citizens and as to the alleged inhabitability in ‘a few decades from now’. That apparently constitutes a real and immediate risk in the sense of Articles 2 and 8 ECHR.Footnote 20

According to the current state of climate science, a sea level rise at a rate that makes part of the country uninhabitable ‘in a few decades’ is very unlikely.Footnote 21 See in more detail Sect. 4.

The SC is right that the materialisation of a risk in ‘a few decades’ is not an obstacle for the applicability of Articles 2 and 8. The protection of Article 2 ECHR also regards risks that may only materialise in the longer term. ‘In the longer term’ seems to include a period of up to 50 years. The SC refers to the case law of the ECtHR about a time span of 20–50 years in the context of Article 8,Footnote 22 whilst it notes that the positive obligation emanating from Article 8 overlaps the obligation flowing from Article 2.Footnote 23 The former case was—inter alia—about alleged health and safety consequences caused by sodium cyanide from a goldmine. The government contended that this risk was hypothetical, it might only materialise after 20–50 years and it was therefore not serious and imminent. The ECtHR did not explicitly pay attention to this defence but the most likely reading is that it was rejected.Footnote 24

The SC also seems to suggest that a risk that could materialise within the lifespan of the current generation—which probably means: within 100 years or so—falls under the protection of the ECHR. I strongly support the view that Article 2 (and 8) should be applicable to serious threats as mentioned by the SC, even if they could ‘only’ arise after, say, 60 years or more from now, but I am less sure that this follows from the ECtHR’s case law, let alone the case law to which the SC refers. The law is, however, a living instrument and should—and often does—keep pace with the changing demands of society.

4 The Precautionary Principle

The precautionary principle is paraded several times.Footnote 25 It is useful that the SC has confirmed its importance, although this is barely a revelation. The SC rightly refers to an ECtHR judgment.Footnote 26 It is glaringly obvious that unabated climate change poses a serious threat to many countries, which entails a series of adverse consequences. It is true that there are uncertainties about what precisely will happen and when, but the predominant view, both politically and scientifically, is that climate change must be kept well below 2 °C and that a series of catastrophes will occur if that threshold is passed, as the SC rightly emphasises throughout the judgment.

In the context of sharp sea level rise which could render part of the Netherlands uninhabitable the SC has ruled that ‘[t]he fact that this risk will only be ableFootnote 27 to materialise in a few decades from now […] does not mean […] that Articles 2 and 8 ECHR offer no protection from this threat’ which is ‘consistent with the precautionary principle’.Footnote 28 In this setting the reference to the precautionary principle begs questions. So far only a few experts believe that the sea level will rise by more than 1 m during this century.Footnote 29 Only in exceptional circumstances will a sea level rise of one meter be problematic; under normal circumstances dikes could protect the country against such a rise of sea level.Footnote 30 Although ‘a few decades’ is ambiguous, to normal parlance it does not encompass 80 years or more (i.e. the remaining period until the end of this century). Hence, the likelihood of a devastating sea level rise is extremely low (in the Netherlands). If I am right in saying so, it is either or: the SC is mistaken as to the sea level rise or it takes the view that an extremely low probability suffices. I am inclined to think that this legal ground is a slip of the pen.

The precautionary principle pops up again in legal grounds 7.2.5 and 7.2.10. The SC rules that currently no technology is available to remove sufficient GHGs from the atmosphere on a sufficiently large scale.Footnote 31 Hence, it would be an irresponsible risk to rely on such technology. I could not agree more.

The SC could not get enough of the precautionary principle. It also held that—according to the Court of Appeal—the concentrations of a maximum target of 430 or 450 ppm are based on estimates. ‘The precautionary principle therefore means that more far-reaching measures should be taken to reduce greenhouse gas emissions, rather than less far-reaching measures.’Footnote 32 If it is reasonably possible to reduce emissions to a higher extent I fully second that view.Footnote 33 But it has a high level of studyroom wisdom, unless the SC wants to say: the maximum reasonably and feasibly possible must be done. The ambiguous ‘rather than’ suggests that this is indeed what the SC had in mind. It is not saying that the precautionary principle has to be applied irrespective of the likelihood or the consequences for society. In that context one should bear in mind that the carbon budget of some high-end developed countries will be depleted within 10 to 15 years and of some countries even within 5 years. To those countries it will already be quite a challenge to reduce their emissions to zero in due time.

On the same note: the SC rightly emphasises that tipping points may be passed between 1 °C and 2 °C.Footnote 34 Would this mean, in the SC’s line of thought, that the precautionary principle requires to reduce global GHG emissions at the highest rate possible, irrespective of the cost? Even if that would destroy the economy and end up in global poverty? Such a stance would also put a very heavy burden on least developed and low-end developing countries, if they, too, had to reduce their GHG emissions at the greatest pace possible. Such a position would be difficult to reconcile with the common but differentiated responsibilities feature.

This question is all the more pertinent and inconvenient because it is beyond cavil that (quite a) few major and powerful emitters will refrain from reducing their GHG emissions in the near future at great pace and to the extent needed. If not for legal, at least for practical purposes other countries will have to fill that gap. In the very near future that will put an extremely heavy burden on them, to put it mildly. Would the precautionary principle require them to assume that burden irrespective of the consequences?Footnote 35

5 A Consistent Policy

The SC ruled that ‘[t]he policy a state implements when taking measures must be consistent’.Footnote 36 That indeed follows from a ECtHR judgment.Footnote 37 It has, however, to be taken con grano salis. It belabours the obvious, I think, that a government’s policy is not, nor should be, cast in stone. Different factors, varying from changing views and the needs of society, a different political colour of the government and new scientific insights may be a justification for a different position.Footnote 38 That, however, is no justification for taking a different stance on the need for taking specific action, such as reducing GHG emissions without proper scientific backing. The political wind may change. This may justify reducing unnecessarily ambitious reduction pledges, which, by the way, are quite rare. But it is no justification for taking a nonsensical position as the present case illustrates. If all signals—including earlier pledges, views e tutti quanti—point to the urgent need to reduce emissions by x% there is no justification for less. Period.

6 Suum Cuique Tribuere

According to the SC the State ‘is obliged to do “its part” in order to prevent dangerous climate change, even if it is a global problem’.Footnote 39 It mentions a series of arguments. One of them is the ‘no-harm rule’ of international law.Footnote 40 The argument fuels the idea that the State has an obligation, but I wonder whether it explains that the State has ‘to do its part’. That argument comes close to a petitio principii.

More convincing are the references to the UNFCCC Convention,Footnote 41 the ILC’s Draft Articles of Responsibility of States for Internationally Wrongful Acts, adopted by the General Assembly of the UN and to ‘many countries [that] have corresponding rules in their liability system’.Footnote 42

7 Minimal Causation

The SC holds that the defence that a country’s share in global GHG emissions is ‘very small’Footnote 43 cannot be successfully invoked. Otherwise a country could easily escape from its obligations by invoking this defence.Footnote 44 That argument is convincing and in line with both the Oslo PrinciplesFootnote 45 and the Enterprises Principles.Footnote 46 For practical purposes it is no more than a—valuable and welcome—magic word.

The SC adds that climate change threatens human rights, which is also acknowledged in an international contextFootnote 47; adequate protection (Art. 13 ECHR) requires that individual States are responsible for their part.Footnote 48

8 Minimum Obligations

In the context of the obligation of doing ‘its part’ the SC notes that the determination of these parts ‘belongs in principle to the political domain, both internationally and nationally’.Footnote 49

Under certain circumstances, there may also be such clear views, agreements and/or consensus in an international context about the distribution of measures among countries that the courts can establish what—in accordance with the widely supported view of states and international organisations, which view is also based on the insights of climate science—can in any case be regarded as the State’s minimum fair share. […]. It follows from the ECtHR case law […] that, under certain circumstances, agreements and rules that are not binding in and of themselves may also be meaningful in relation to such establishment. This may be the case if those rules and agreements are the expression of a very widely supported view or insight and are therefore important for the interpretation and application of the State’s positive obligations under Articles 2 and 8 ECHR.Footnote 50

‘In determining the State’s minimum obligations, the courts must observe restraint, especially if rules or agreements are involved that are not binding in themselves.’Footnote 51 The concept is familiar in the human rights context.Footnote 52 It was also adopted by a recent judgment rendered by the Verwaltungsgericht Berlin.Footnote 53

The SC explains at quite some length why this approach means that the State has to reduce its emissions by at least 25%. It starts with a convincing analysis of the international consensus about the 25–40% target.Footnote 54 The exposé concludes that the ‘high degree of consensus [about the urgent need to reduce GHG emissions by at least 25–40% by 2020 compared to 1990 levels] can be regarded as a common ground within the meaning of the ECtHR case law […] which according to that case law must be taken into account when interpreting and applying the ECHR’.Footnote 55 The SC subsequently explains why the 25–40% also applies to the State.Footnote 56 The State was until 2011 of the opinion that ‘a reduction of 25–40% by 2020 was necessary to stay on a credible track to keep the 2 °C target within reach’.Footnote 57 The State’s argument that such a reduction is unnecessary is rejected. The SC notes that the State did not explain ‘that and why […] and taking into account the precautionary principle applicable in this context, a policy aimed at 20% reduction by 2020 can still be considered responsible’.Footnote 58 The SC concludes that a reduction of 25% is ‘an absolute minimum’ seeing that ‘there is a large degree of consensus in the international community and climate science that at least this reduction by the Annex I countries, including the Netherlands, is urgently needed’. The SC adds that this is ‘also in line with what the State itself considers necessary for other years’ and that the State ‘has not been able to provide a proper substantiation of its claim that deviating from that target is nevertheless responsible’.Footnote 59

This approach means that the impact of pledges (a kind of self-determination) is limited. As a rule the consensus in the international community and climate science suffices, although ‘self-determination’ will make it even more difficult to explain why a State wants to do less. Interestingly and importantly the former consensus does not require legally binding instruments.

The judgment does not seem to rule out that ‘self-determination’ below the just mentioned level can be a justification for lower reduction measures, but only if it is sufficiently substantiated. I am inclined to think that it will be an uphill fight to provide such a substantiation. This may be different in extreme scenarios, for instance natural catastrophes that have destroyed a major part of the country which means that the funds to achieve the required reductions are temporarily unavailable.Footnote 60

The application of the concept ‘minimum obligation’ may be difficult. Or, perhaps, I should say: it is not the panacea, but a step in the right direction. What does it mean if the international consensus about the measures to be taken falls significantly short of what needs to be done from the angle of climate science? In the context of climate change a reality.

What should a court do if an NGO—or a least developed country—seeks injunctive relief in, say, 2025 to the effect that a high-end developed country has to curb its emissions to zero by, say 2040, if the carbon budgetFootnote 61may well be depleted by then? Is the SC suggesting that the precautionary principle requires calculations to be based on 2040 in spite of a lack of widespread support for that view in the international community and climate science? If the answer would be in the affirmative, would that mean that the precautionary principle supersedes the minimum obligation approach?

If the chance that the carbon budget will be depleted by 2040 would be sufficiently realistic (which includes a likelihood of well below 50%) an answer in the affirmative would be a giant step forward to the benefit of the climate. As explained at some length below, it is highly likely that the carbon budget will be depleted before 2050. That, in turn, means that the international consensus, which is at best based on the need to reduce net GHG emissions to zero by 2050, falls short of what needs to be done. If the minimum obligations feature would mean that consensus would be the upper limit of the courts’ room for manoeuvre, as may well be the case, the future looks grim. This does not, let alone necessarily, mean that clearly insufficient measures or a clearly insufficient consensus should not constitute a minimum obligation. The concept is a valuable step forward and a major gain if courts would otherwise abstain.

This being said, courts willing to issue injunctive relief for what is needed deserve our utmost gratitude; they will be remembered in history as gatekeepers of a slowly collapsing world.

Last but not least: the merits and shortcomings of this feature illustrate that a focus on international law only is a mistake. It is not only understandable but also unavoidable that national courts operate within the boundaries of the case law of the relevant international courts and tribunals if they apply international instruments. These boundaries disappear if national courts apply domestic law, for instance tort law. In doing so they may rely on, or become inspired by, the case law of international courts and tribunals, but they may also develop or shape national law otherwise. That shaping process could be a basis to escape from the limits posed by minimum obligations. Even though national courts cannot avoid respecting the political primacy, that primacy should not be a fig leaf for allowing politicians to ruin the planet.Footnote 62

9 More than 25%?

The Court of Appeal suggested—barely hidden—that it would have been willing to issue injunctive relief for a higher percentage than 25:

73. […] the Court is of the opinion that the State fails to fulfil its duty of care pursuant to Articles 2 and 8 ECHR by not wanting to reduce emissions by at least 25% by end-2020. A reduction of 25% should be considered a minimum, in connection with which recent insights about an even more ambitious reduction in connection with the 1.5 °C target have not even been taken into consideration.

The SC reiterates the urgent need for reductions between 25 and 40% in 2020Footnote 63 emphasising that the State has to achieve a reduction of at least 25%Footnote 64: it has been recognised

for some years that global warming should not be limited to a maximum of 2 °C to prevent dangerous climate change, but to a maximum of 1.5 °C. […] This necessitates a greater reduction in greenhouse gas emissions than is necessary for a target of no more than 2 °C.Footnote 65

Further down the SC notes that

the need for this [at least 25%] requires the State to aim for a reduction of greenhouse gas emissions by more than 25% by 2020, rather than a reduction that is lower.Footnote 66

The 1.5 °C perspective is in line with the view that it is still possible to keep global warming below 1.5 °C, which is a rather optimistic assumption; see Sect. 11.Footnote 67 The SC probably wants to say that global warming should be kept as close to 1.5 °C as possible, but even in that case it will require draconian measures of all kinds. That may be in line with the strongly emerging view among climate scientists, but it is not easy to reconcile with the prevailing view of even progressive regions (such as the EU), business leaders and even NGOs which does not go beyond the message that global net emissions should be reduced to zero by 2050.

10 A Disproportionate Burden

In line with the Strasbourg case law the SC reminds us that ‘Articles 2 and 8 ECHR must not result in an impossible or under the given circumstances disproportionate burden being imposed on the State’.Footnote 68 That, I think, also carries weight if a strict application of the precautionary principle would have devastating effects on society.

The State contended that it is close to impossible to reduce the required emissions between the date of the judgment and the end of 2020. The SC is deaf to this defence. It argues that the District Court’s order dates back to 2015, which judgment had immediate effect. In addition, the State was well aware of the seriousness of the climate problem and it initially strived for a reduction of 30% by 2020.Footnote 69

This argument is convincing, if not self-explanatory. The more important issue is: how far can it be stretched if other courts would adopt the SC’s approach? States, in particular developed States, know very well that they contribute disproportionally to climate change, that they have to reduce their emissions significantly and that many of their pledges (NDCs) fall short of their fair share of what needs to be done. It may be true that they do not know with great precision what needs to be done by each of them, at the very least they do know that much higher reductions are required, both by the world at large and by themselves.Footnote 70 That is almost universally acknowledged and also follows from a UN Environment Programme report mentioned in the Urgenda judgment.Footnote 71

This notion gives rise to the question of whether in future cases judges will rule that this knowledge means that the relevant States are under an obligation to effectuate significant non-achieved reductions within a short time span and that the defendants’ laziness means that such a requirement is not disproportionally burdensome. It can only be hoped that courts will be courageous enough to deliver such judgments. Otherwise there is no hope to keep global warming at bay.

11 The Role of the Paris Agreement

Not surprisingly, time and again the SC refers to the Paris Agreement (PA). The PA contains two important elements. First ‘it aims to strengthen the global response to the threat of global climate change […] by […] holding the increase in the global average temperature to well below 2 °C above pre-industrial levels and pursuing efforts to limit the temperature increase to 1.5 °C above pre-industrial levels’ (Art. 2 para. 1) and a series of provisions to reach that goal (Art. 4). It is left to the Parties to determine their goals, which means that it is unlikely that, together, they will achieve the reductions to achieve the goal of Article 2.Footnote 72

There is a strongly emerging view that net zero emissions should be achieved by 2050.Footnote 73 Much more likely than not the carbon budget will be depleted long before then.Footnote 74 First and foremost: GHG emissions are still not decreasing and there is very little reason to believe that most countries are going to curb their emissions significantly in the near future.Footnote 75 ‘In June [2019] alone’, ‘intense and long-lived wildfires in the Arctic Circle […] emitted 50 mega tonnes of carbon dioxide into the atmosphere. […] More was released by Arctic fires than in the same month between 2010 and 2018 put together’Footnote 76; the climate systems are becoming ever closer to tipping points ‘that could lead to a breakdown of ecological systems […] and potentially trigger runaway warming’.Footnote 77 It would be against the odds if non-anthropogenic emissions would stabilise or decrease, whereas the absorption capacity of oceans is decreasing.Footnote 78

Hence, to keep global warming, as formulated in the Paris Agreement, ‘well below 2 degrees’ almost certainly means much more stringent reduction obligations for States. It is very unlikely that climate change can be kept below 1.5 °CFootnote 79 (the SC emphasises that ‘the temperature can only safely rise by no more than 1.5 °C’).Footnote 80

For the avoidance of doubt my sobering observations may be mistaken. Miracles happen and the transition towards a carbon–neutral society may gain traction much sooner than expected.Footnote 81 Climate science may paint a grimmer picture than necessary, although thus far, the opposite has happened as the 2018 and 2019 reports by the IPCC illustrate. It is also possible that affordable technology, such as carbon capture and storage, will become available at the scale needed.Footnote 82 It would, however, be fraught with risk and irreconcilable with the precautionary principle to bet on these uncertainties, if not rather hypothetical developments.

12 A Political Issue?

The SC does not lend its ears to the defence that this case is about a political issue requiring abstinence by courts.Footnote 83 The SC subtly reminds the State that it has to remain within the limits of the law by which it is bound. Case law in other countries shows that this view is not universally adopted.Footnote 84

The State did not contend that there is no majority in Parliament for taking the measures required to comply with the judgment. Happily, there is such a majority. But a majority in Parliament cannot be taken for granted if countries continue to take a sit-and-wait position or if they confine themselves to incremental steps, which, sadly, is no exception. If, at some stage, probably sooner than later, ‘the law’ would require far-reaching measures which would impair the economy significantly, courts may feel reluctant to issue the relief needed to avert damage to vital interests of the younger and future generation(s), the environment, other living species and the economy.Footnote 85

Judges do not operate in a vacuum. They are part of society and aim to serve it the best they can: ‘we must rise to the key challenges of our time, or risk being destroyed by them’ as Laurent Fabius, the President of the French Constitutional Council,Footnote 86 put it.Footnote 87 Naturally, he realises that the ‘construction of environmental justice’ by courts will generate increasing ‘attacks on the highest courts’. He hits the mark saying that ‘those who wish to destroy the rule of law have understood that if their brutalism is to prevail, they must attack these institutions and the judges whose task it is to protect the rule of law’. If—almost a prophecy—this brutalism will gain ground, judges will find themselves in a very uncomfortable position.Footnote 88 But we have not yet reached that stage if courts are willing ‘to do their part’ as the SC put it in a different context. Even in worst case scenarios quite a few cases will be about what is, even by then, still reasonably achievable.

13 Compliance by the State?

For a while it was uncertain whether the State would comply with the judgment. In the meantime there is a favourable chance that it will. To that effect the corona crisis plays a not unimportant role.Footnote 89

Non-compliance by the State would be the ultimate litmus test of the rule of law. In such a scenario Urgenda could seek a financial penalty (dwangsom) to be determined by the Court to be paid to Urgenda for every day (or other period to be determined by the Court) the State does not comply with the judgment.Footnote 90 A symbolic penalty of, say, € 1 would likely not be an incentive. Perhaps it would be if the Court would add that the amount will be significantly increased if non-compliance continues after a period to be specified by the Court.

To me the serious difficulty with significant penalties to be paid to Urgenda is that tax payers’ money would have to be paid to Urgenda which could spend it at its will, thus for practical purposes making political choices. The most effective measures, such as phasing out coal-fired power plants, cannot be effectuated by Urgenda. Personally, I hope that the Court will resist issuing penalties, if sought. I realise that this would be a major blow to the rule of law, a not uncommon feature in relation to judgments by international courts or tribunals.

Still in the non-compliance scenario: alternatively Urgenda might seek a court order on how to materialise the non-achieved reductions. A judgment to that effect would be less problematic, particularly so if the Court would grant the State the opportunity of achieving the same amount of reductions otherwise within a well-defined period of time. Depending on the formulation of the judgment, it might be enforceable.

The real challenges lie ahead of us. The future looks bleak as explained in Sect. 11. In the most likely scenario, in the near future courts will have to choose between courage and realism, or perhaps I should say fatalism, i.e. the devil or the deep blue sea. If they opt for judgments required to achieve the almost universally adopted goals, the defendants will be required to take far-reaching and costly measures, significantly more demanding than the relatively modest measures to be taken by the Netherlands to comply with the Urgenda judgment.

One does not need a crystal ball to predict that some, and arguably many, States—also States considering the rule of law of paramount importance—will not (easily) comply with such judgments. If this sobering forecast would come true, climate change will not only cause a global catastrophe but also ruin the rule of law.

14 An Appealing Precedent for Courts in Other Countries?

The judgment sets a ‘precedent’ for Dutch cases. For other jurisdictions it ‘only’ matters if and to the extent the arguments appeal to other courts.Footnote 91 Whether that is likely to be the case depends on the persuasiveness of the arguments and whether these courts are prepared to accept that the issues in point are not merely political issues. In spite of a few reservations discussed above I hope the SC’s judgment will seduce courts in other countries to take up the gauntlet in the fight against climate change. The judgment offers a series of interesting legal concepts worthy of consideration in litigation across the Dutch border.

The Dutch SC is not the first court that has been prepared to enter the climate change scene in an active—some will argue: activist—way. An advisory opinion of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights and the groundbreaking judgment Gloucester Resources Ltd. v. the Minister for PlanningFootnote 92 may serve as examples. The recent Juliana judgment on appealFootnote 93 illustrates that other courts may be much more reluctantFootnote 94; the same holds true for recent Irish, German and Canadian judgments.Footnote 95

In the short term it seems a safe bet that courts will become increasingly willing to step in if ever more catastrophic natural events occur, although they may face fierce criticism the bolder their judgments will become.

Interestingly, the IBA’s Model Statute for Proceedings offers a highly important article about legal remedies available in government-related climate proceedings.Footnote 96 This Model Statute will hopefully inspire courts that are hesitant to judge these kinds of cases on their merits.

15 Wider Implications?

Part of the sections below is borrowed from Jaap Spier’s contribution to the website of Clyde & Co (London), https://resilience.clydeco.com/articles/the-urgenda-judgment-and-its-potential-implications.

To me the most intriguing question is whether the judgment will have wider implications, both in relation to States and the corporate world. First a caveat: the judgment in point does not answer any of the following questions, not even for Dutch law. In the Netherlands part of such cases, in particular those about permits and the like, have to be submitted to administrative courts and will ultimately be decided by the judicial branch of the Council of State. Although the different branches of the Dutch judiciary try to align with each other’s case law, they are not obliged to do so.

15.1 Impact Assessments

It is to be expected that the urgent need to keep global warming well below 2 °C will be given ever more weight in relation to impact assessments. A recent judgment about a new runway for Heathrow AirportFootnote 98 is telling, although the Court of Appeal emphasises that it is not saying that the permit cannot be granted.Footnote 99 It ‘only’ emphasises that the climate change angle must be given genuine weight. An even more courageous judgment by an Austrian lower court—there is no room for a new runway fat the airport of ViennaFootnote 100—was reversed by the Supreme Administrative Court. In Gloucester Resources v. Minister of Planning, about a new coal mine, climate change played an important, though not a decisive, role in upholding the refusal of consent.Footnote 101

An important, albeit somewhat chaotic, Norwegian judgment about awarding production licences for petroleum on the Norwegian continental shelf deserves specific attention. The licence was challenged by Greenpeace et al. on alleged incompatibility with the Constitution of Norway and Articles 2 and 8 ECHR. The Borgarting Court of AppealFootnote 102 emphasised that ‘the severity of the environmental harm will […] be the key criterion, based on the significance for human health and the productive capacity and diversity of the natural environment’ (Art. 112 para. 1 of the Constitution). Actual harm is not required, a risk suffices in line with the precautionary principle.Footnote 103 It comes down to ‘what harm remains after measures have been taken.’Footnote 104 ‘The societal considerations behind the encroachment on the natural environment and the societal costs of the measures are key.’Footnote 105 All emissions, both from the production and the combustion—domestically or abroad—carry weight.Footnote 106 The Court discusses the impact on NorwayFootnote 107 and notes that there are currently no large-scale technical solutions available for carbon capture and storage.Footnote 108 Norway does not meet its self-imposed target (30% reductions by 2020 compared to 1990)Footnote 109; ‘total reported national contributions are too low to fulfil the Paris Agreement targets’.Footnote 110 The Court—unrealisticallyFootnote 111—assumes ‘a well-functioning emissions allowance trading system’. In spite of the fact that the Court emphasises the urgent need to ‘drastically’ reduce GHG emissions,Footnote 112 it notes that ‘a country can go a long way towards buying itself out’.Footnote 113 Without much ado, the Court holds that ‘increased emissions from the Norwegian Continental Shelf will not affect the total emissions within the sectors required’.Footnote 114 What follows are unsubstantiated speculations about what might happen concerning Norwegian reductions of GHGs.Footnote 115 The Court seems to follow the Baron Von Münchhausen process: ‘the view that there is room for the emissions presumes that measures will be taken to reduce total national emissions that can provide such room’.Footnote 116 At any rate ‘possible future emissions related to the production licenses […] do not bear such importance for the national emissions, when the measures taken are also consolidated, that the threshold under Article 112 has been exceeded’.Footnote 117 ‘[A] gradual phasing-out of Norwegian exports of oil and gas […] does not necessarily mean that the world’s energy requirements as a whole will be covered in a more climate-friendly manner.’

In the Court’s view the adverse consequences of the licences and the possible harm (‘it cannot be ruled out that these will result in loss of human life’) do ‘not clearly fulfil the requirement for a “real and immediate risk”’.Footnote 118 Even if the risk would be ‘real and immediate’ the outcome would be the same for the reasons mentioned in relation to Article 112 Constitution.Footnote 119

The Dutch SC’s approach would lead to a different outcome, I think. The international community and climate science are in full agreement that global emissions must be reduced significantly.Footnote 120 For the reasons mentioned above it will be quite a challenge to achieve the significant reductions required. High-end developed countries, even more so if their emissions per capita are high, which applies to both Norway and the Netherlands, have to take the lead. More oil and gas means higher GHG emissions. It is counterproductive to the urgent need for a transition to renewable energy and will make it impossible to reduce global emissions to zero in the near future. If there were room for the exploitation of new oil or gas fields, priority should be given to least developed and low-end developing countries which, I think, is in line with the common but differentiated responsibilities feature to which the Court of Appeal refers in a different context.Footnote 121

The reason for devoting so much attention to this case is that creating obstacles to new fossil fuel production is low hanging fruit. It does not cost a penny. To the contrary: it is a gain for the climate.

15.2 Corporate Obligations

15.2.1 Human Rights and Enterprises

The notion that enterprises have to respect human rights is swiftly gaining ground.Footnote 122 Strikingly, at the Conference of the Parties (COP) in Madrid Commissioner Cadiz of the Philippines’ Commission on Human Rights announced the Commission’s conclusion in a case initiated by Greenpeace South East Asia that legal responsibility for climate change is not covered by current international human rights law. In the context of the liability of major fossil fuel corporations he contends that it is up to the respective countries to ‘pass strong legislation and establish liability in their courts’.Footnote 123

In my view the idea that human rights do not play a role concerning climate change is a rearguard action. I share, however, Commissioner Cadiz’ (the Commission’s?) view that carbon majors (and, I should add, other enterprises) ‘definitely have an obligation to respect human rights as enunciated under the United Nations Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights’.Footnote 124 The Commission could also have referred to the OECD Guidelines for Multinational EnterprisesFootnote 125 and the Global Compact.

15.2.2 Minimum Obligations

Many corporations, captains of industry, investors, and institutions such as the Global Compact do not cease to emphasise the urgent need to take bold action, a wise and well-considered position. Enterprises increasingly and laudably issue pledges to reduce their emissions significantly, to align with the Paris Agreement or even to effectuate zero emissions by 2050. Climate change science strongly supports the view that global emissions must be reduced significantly and at great pace. The IPCC reports of 2018 and 2019 leave no room for doubt: a hell of a lot must be done right now; see Sect. 11. As a matter of fact, quite a few enterprises lag far behind these pledges and the like. As explained above, it is open to debate whether there will still be a carbon budget by 2050.

It can only be hoped that courts are willing to adopt a similar approach concerning emissions of the corporate world as the SC has done in the Urgenda case by applying at leastFootnote 126 the concept of minimum obligations.

That begs the question of how to ‘define’ the relevant minimum obligations in the context of enterprises. To the best of my knowledge that is unchartered territory.

The SC’s reference to ‘such clear views […] based on the insights of climate science’ should not be any different in that context, I think. The urgent need to reduce emissions to zero by 2050 is barely disputable.Footnote 127

I am strongly inclined to believe that enterprises based in a EU country have a minimum obligation to reduce their GHG emissions to net zero by 2050. That is the current EU strategy.Footnote 128 The imperative to reduce emissions to net zero by 2050 is increasingly accepted in the political domain,Footnote 129 albeit certainly not universally. It is in line with the insights offered by climate science. The linear approach advocated by the SC seems the preferable solution between now and 2050.Footnote 130 Exceptions could be allowed if the EU as a whole effectively takes countervailing measures to offset the remaining emissions of one or more countries or enterprises.Footnote 131

A similar approach could be adopted for enterprises based in other countries which have made similar pledges or acknowledged the urgent need to reduce GHG emissions to zero by 2050.

What about enterprises in the too many countries that have not pledged to reduce their emissions to zero by 2050 and do not even acknowledge the need to do so? The SC formula does not provide a sound basis for net zero emissions by 2050 for enterprises based in these countries. After all, for them the urgent need can only be based on scientific insights and by themselves they do not suffice to constitute a minimum obligation. It is open to debate whether there is already a sufficient amount of consensus about net zero emissions by 2050 in the international community. Be that as it may, such enterprises have at least to align with the NDCs of the countries in which they are based, unless they can provide a compelling justification why lower reductions suffice in their case, I think.Footnote 132

In my quest to discern minimum reduction obligations of enterprises I have not applied the full formula of the judgment. In particular the SC’s provisos ‘under certain circumstances’ and the restraint required in applying the formulaFootnote 133 were not explicitly mentioned. In the context of enterprises that is less needed because determining their obligations is less of a political, or perhaps I should say politicised, issue.

The good news for enterprises is that compliance with their minimum obligations may shield against liability. ‘May’ should be emphasised. Minimum obligations do not suffice to keep global warming below fatal thresholds. It is crystal clear—also to States and enterprises—that more must be done. Enterprises have to take into account the possibility that courts will be more demanding than urging compliance with minimum obligations. Other legal bases, either or not in conjunction with human rights, may well serve as a sound basis for obligations exceeding the ‘minimum’, however defined.Footnote 134

15.2.3 Catastrophe Must Be Avoided

Enterprises should keep in mind that the insights in climate science are ever-changing. The longer we (the world) delay(s) action, the smaller the carbon budget, which means that a steeper rate of reductions is required if we are to achieve the target to avert catastrophic climate change. Hence, measures that could seem to be sufficient for the coming decade, could become obsolete in a couple of years as the insights change and (a large part of) the world continues to emit excessively. It is an unfortunate given that those who are reducing their GHG emissions at great pace will have to take up (part) of the non-achieved emissions by those who do little or nothing. That, I think, is not only a moral and political, but also a legal obligation.Footnote 135 It is also the logical consequence of the SC’s judgment based as it is on the insights of climate science and the ‘clear views […] in an international context’; see Sect. 8.

15.2.4 Disproportionate Burden Defence

In Sect. 10 mention was made of the SC’s rejection of the State’s argument that it is close to impossible to achieve the reductions required by the court by the end of 2020. Enterprises would be best advised to reckon with similar judgments if they clearly fell short of complying with at least their minimum obligations. If they did not at least reduce their emissions at the ‘minimum rate’, they have to reckon with similar judgments which allow them little time to meet that obligation. That presupposes that the enterprises could reasonably have known their minimum obligation. Many will argue that they were unaware of the same. As a rule such defences are doomed to founder. One is supposed to know the law as it will emanate from future judgments.Footnote 136

15.2.5 Betting on Miracles Will Not Work

Those who take a sit-and-wait position expose themselves and their boards to claims for damages. Michael Kirby, a retired justice in the High Court of Australia, hit the mark: ‘It would be unwise to wait for a future Royal Commission or litigation to unveil the neglect, indifference and carelessness of those in responsible positions of decision-making who are sleepwalking in a blindfold while potentially important problems are looming’.Footnote 137