Abstract
The fifteenth-century rediscovery of Plato and Plutarch stimulated the early modern “best state” exercise and encouraged a debate on constitutions that replicated the seed-bed out of which the classical utopia had sprung.1 If we define utopia as the envisaging of a best commonwealth, or ideal society, of sinful human beings in a fallen world without benefit of divine agency, then more may be said to have reinaugurated the exercise.
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Notes
- 1.
- 2.
Davis (1991), p. 335.
- 3.
More (1965), p. 103.
- 4.
Davis (1991), p. 335.
- 5.
More (1965), pp. 237–239.
- 6.
- 7.
Some authors – Rohde (19002), p. 244, n. 1; Kroll (1914), col. 681; Weinreich (1962), p. 11; Baldassari (1973), p. 305, n. 6 – adopted the view Iambulus went to Somalia. It is more probable that Iambulus went to Felix Arabia because there was the main center of trade of frankincence and myrrh in the Ancient World. Altheim and Stiehl (1964), vol. I, p. 84; Schwarz (1983), p. 45.
- 8.
Winiarczyk (1997), p. 132.
- 9.
Brown (1955), p. 61.
- 10.
Winston (1956), pp. 59–60.
- 11.
- 12.
Ferguson (1975), p. 125.
- 13.
Brown (1949) [1974], p. 58.
- 14.
Rohde (1914) [1960], pp. 251–256.
- 15.
Müller (1878), pp. 397–430.
- 16.
- 17.
FGrH 87 F78 ap. Cleomedes 1, 6, 31–32. Rose (1939), pp. 9–10.
- 18.
Tarn (1939), p. 193.
- 19.
Ferguson (1975), p. 126.
- 20.
Ferguson (1975), p. 126.
- 21.
There is no a common view among the authors concerning the date of Iambulus’ composition. Ehlers (1985), p. 84 suggests that the work belongs to the end of the fourth century bc. Susemihl (1891) [1965], vol. I, p. 325; Kroll (1914), col. 684; Tarn (1948) [1979], vol. II, p. 411; Altheim and Stiehl (1964), vol. I, pp. 86, 92, suggest that the work belongs to the third century bc. Ferguson (1975), suggests that the work belongs to the period 255–250 bc. Giangrande (1976/77), p. 124, suggests that the work belongs to ca. 240 bc.
Müller (1980), p. 191; Gabba (1981), p. 58 in the middle of the third century. Dawson (1992), p. 172 suggests that the work belongs to the third or second century bc. Baldry (1956), p. 20; Baldassari (1973), p. 474 at the end of the third century or at the beginning of the second century. Salin (1921), p. 280, n. 4, dates it more probably in 200 than 100 bc. Altheim (1948), vol. II, p. 158 suggests that the work has been written at the end of Antiochus’ III regency. Schwarz (1970), p. 52 suggests that the work belongs to the end of the Maurya-Dynasty. It has been to underline that all these attempts for the exact dating of composition are subjective and they cannot be proven. Winiarczyk (1997), p. 147.
- 22.
Finley (1967), pp. 3–20.
- 23.
Noutsos (1979), p. 30.
- 24.
Mossé (1969), p. 303. Kyztler (1973), p. 67, however, contends that there is a certain hierarchical order because men “have” the wives in common (Diod. Sic. II 58, (1)), because women are not considered apt to rule their group, and because there is the authority that is always exercised by the oldest man in the group. It should, however, be noted that for ancient conceptions legality is very great in Iambulus and that only the modern mind can trace here some remarks of hierarchical structures.
- 25.
Mossé (1969), p. 304.
- 26.
On Pera, which is the island, where exists the natural life of the Golden Age, according to the target of the wise, see Aelian, Varia Historia 70. Diogenes Laertius 1925, Vitae Philosophorum VI 85.
- 27.
Brown (1949) [1974], pp. 57–59.
- 28.
Huys (1996), pp. 72–73.
- 29.
Bichler (1995), pp. 10–15.
- 30.
Aalders (1975), p. 320.
- 31.
- 32.
Aristotle, Politics II 2, 1261 a36–37: «ὥσπερ ἂν ἐι μετέβαλλον οἱ σκυτεί0ς καὶ oἱ τέκτονες καὶ μὴ oἱ αὐτοί ἀεί σκυτοτόμοι καὶ τέκτονες ʿσαν».
- 33.
Respectively, the inhabitants of the land of Mousicanus described by Onesicritus do occupy with medicine; Strabo 1917–1932, Geographica XV I, 34.
- 34.
Cf. Winiarczyk (1997), pp. 147–148.
- 35.
For a collection of all survived testimonies and fragments see Winiarczyk (1991).
- 36.
Gougoulis, St (1998), pp. 304–305.
- 37.
Gougoulis (1995/97).
- 38.
- 39.
- 40.
Berve (1926), vol. II, p. 21.
- 41.
Tarn (1948), vol. II, p. 430.
- 42.
Arnim (1964), vol. III, F. 337.
- 43.
It was furthered suggested by Pöhlmann (1925), vol. I, p. 404, Cardinali (1910), p. 300; Tarn (1933), p. 11, 34;Tarn (1948), vol. I, pp. 411–412, followed by Lekatsas (1978), pp. 20ff., Barker (1956), pp. 61–62, Hansen (1971), p. 144 that Aristonicus took the name and the idea from Iambulus’s work. Cf. Beloch (1901), p. 360; Bidez (1932), p. 49. Heichelheim (1938), p. 642; Ferguson (1975), p. 127.
- 44.
- 45.
Dudley (1941), pp. 94–99.
- 46.
Winiarczyk (1997), pp. 149–150.
- 47.
Oertel (1925) in Pöhlmann (1925), vol. II, p. 570, n. 3.
- 48.
Dudley (1941), p. 98.
- 49.
- 50.
- 51.
Pöhlmann (1925), vol. II, p. 324. von Stern (1921), p. 20 suggested that Iambulus seems to have similarities to the program of Gotha in 1875.
- 52.
- 53.
Giangrande (1976a), p. 29.
- 54.
Kytzler (1973), p. 63.
- 55.
Trever (1916) [1975], p. 145.
- 56.
Ruskin, Stones of Venice, vol. X, p. 201, quoted by Trever (1916) [1975], p. 145.
- 57.
Manuel and Manuel (1997), pp. 86–87.
- 58.
Ramusio (1550), quoted by Manuel and Manuel (1997), p. 817, n. 21.
- 59.
Winiarczyk (1997), p. 139.
- 60.
Ramusio (1550), f. 190r–190v.
- 61.
Africanus (1556), vol. II, pp. 113–125 quoted by Manuel and Manuel (1997), p. 821, n. 35.
- 62.
Lucian, A true Story, Book I, in Lucian (1921), p. 251, 255.
- 63.
Manuel and Manuel (1997), pp. 81–82.
- 64.
Pöhlmann (1925), vol. II, p. 321, n. 2 underlines the fact that Diodorus’s translation in Latin (1472) may have been known to Morus and Campanella and suggests that Iambulus’ influence “auf Campanella ist ja ganz unverkennbar.” Cf. von Stern (1921), p. 20; Röllig (1967), col. 1309; Kytzler (1973), p. 63; Müller (1977), p. 232; Winiarczyk (1997), p. 153. Bidez (1932), p. 280 suggests that “Iamboulos également que Campanella a emprunté l’ idée de sa Cité du Soleil.” Morton (1952), p. 19 announces that Benjamin Farrington in his essay on Diodorus Siculus, cites the passage in his “Universal History,” which contains an account of the Stoic Utopia, The Islands of Sun, a Utopia which certainly influenced Campanella’s City of the Sun (1623).
- 65.
- 66.
In his letter to Cardinal Odoardo Farnese he admitted prophesying the “end of the world” in 1598. Campanella (1927), p. 23, Napoli, August 30th of 1606.
- 67.
de Mattei (1973). Campanella translated this work in Latin in 1618.
- 68.
de Mattei (1973).
- 69.
The full title of the work is: F. Thomae Campanellae Calabri O.P., Realis Philosophiae Epilogisticae Partes Quatuor, Hoc est De Rerum Natura, Hominam Moribus, Politica, (cui Civitas Solis iucta est) & Oeconomica, Cum Adnotationibus Physiologicis. A Thobia Adami nunc primum editae. Francofurti, Impesis Godefrici Tampachii. Anno MDCXXIII (1623), pp. 415–464, quoted by Winter (1978), pp. 55–57. We refer to the English edition Campanella (1981) and the corresponding Greek translation Campanella (n.d.).
- 70.
Campanella, Quaestiones oeconomicae 1619, p. 184.
- 71.
Campanella, Quaestiones oeconomicae 1619, p. 182.
- 72.
Manuel and Manuel (1997).
- 73.
S. Bochart, Geographiae sacrae pars altera. Chanaan seu De coloniis et sermone Phoenicum, Cadoni 1646, pp. 768–775 = S. Bochart, Geographia sacra seu Phaleg et Canaan, Trajecti ad Rhenum 1707, pp. 691–698, quoted by Winiarczyk (1997), p. 140, n. 38; Diodori Siculi Bibliothecae historicae libri qui supersunt interprete L. Rhodomano ad fidem mss. Recensuit P. Wesseling, I., Amstelodami 1745, p. 168, quoted in Winiarczyk (1997), p. 140, n. 39.
- 74.
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Baloglou, C.P. (2011). Iambulus’ “Sun State” and T. Campanella’s “Civitas Solis”: Some Comparative Parallels and Links of Two Utopias. In: Backhaus, J. (eds) The State as Utopia. The European Heritage in Economics and the Social Sciences, vol 9. Springer, New York, NY. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4419-7500-3_11
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Publisher Name: Springer, New York, NY
Print ISBN: 978-1-4419-7499-0
Online ISBN: 978-1-4419-7500-3
eBook Packages: Business and EconomicsEconomics and Finance (R0)