Abstract
The findings advanced by contributors to this volume collectively agree that the publication of data regarding native environmental mismanagement, warfare, and violence are essential to the accurate production of knowledge in the disciplines of anthropology and the social sciences more generally. We believe that the judicious reporting of indigenous conflict and environmental degradation may well prove beneficial to Amerindians. Most significantly, we collectively agree that the censorship or suppression of such findings may prove deleterious to native communities.
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Notes
- 1.
Vickers (1994:331) points out that conservation “is not a state of being. It is a response to people’s perceptions about the state of their environment and its resources, and a willingness to modify their behaviors to adjust to new realities.”
- 2.
Rather than assuming that indigenous peoples operate as innate conservationists, the editors call for the documentation of the particular environmental, political, and socioeconomic conditions that may foster sustainable harvests among Amerindians.
- 3.
Richard Chacon, unpublished field notes, June 2000.
- 4.
Ventocilla et al. (1996) also report that the Kuna harvest lobster indiscriminately.
- 5.
Conklin and Graham state that “[t]he assumption that Indians will always opt for long-term environmental conservation rather than short-term profits is untenable” (1995:703).
- 6.
The hunt, which was sanctioned by the International Whaling Commission, permitted the Makah to harvest 20 whales over a 5-year period (Editor 1999).
- 7.
Soon after the first whale hunt, various environmentalist and animal rights groups pursued litigation against the Makah (Wagner 2009).
- 8.
For documentation of racist attacks targeting the Chippewa for their decision to harvest walleye salmon, see (Buege 1996).
- 9.
On September 7, 2007, a small group of Makah killed another whale and these individuals received death threats as a result of their actions (Wagner 2009).
- 10.
This backlash came as the result of the Yuquí losing their status as “guardians of the natural world” and this development provided non-Indians with justification for the usurping of tribal lands. Conklin and Graham (1995) warned that the promotion of native peoples as innate conservationists could result in just such harmful outcomes.
- 11.
There is great hypocrisy at play whenever land tenure becomes linked to sustainable natural resource use. No Western country (that we are aware of) mandates sustainable harvesting of natural resources as a condition for the continued ownership of lands. However, when native peoples are involved, some Western governments insist that indigenous groups harvest natural resources at sustainable levels as a condition for continued land ownership, as indicated in the Yuquí case.
- 12.
Along these lines, Buege (1996) holds that claims of ecological indigeneity actually serve to oppress Amerindians.
- 13.
Amerindians are shackled by the expectation that that they should be ecologically noble people. According to Buege (1996: 86) “[i]f they do anything that might bring this nobility into question, they risk losing their rights…” This double standard is particularly insidious because Westerners are typically unwilling to discard modern technologies, but they often insist that native peoples forgo the use of modern devices so as to remain ecologically noble (Buege 1996).
- 14.
For additional examples of how Amerindian groups are severely criticized for failing to live up to Western expectations of eco-nobility, see Buege (1996).
- 15.
Along these lines, Buege asks if it is reasonable to assume that “ecologically noble” people would maintain their conservationist traditions given their devastating encounter with the Western world: “Since the industrial revolution, colonialism has left indelible marks upon all indigenous peoples. South and North American Indians, Pacific Islanders, Australian aborigines, Arctic peoples, and African peoples occupied lands, who were at one time relatively distant from European influence, have seen their land bases reduced in size by the encroachment of Western ‘civilization’…Colonialism intrudes upon nearly every facet of native peoples’ lives. Because of these intrusions, the practice of traditional agriculture, maintaining healthy relationships with the land, is now rare. In the face of several 100 years of colonialism, how could we expect people to preserve in pristine fashion their traditional ways of life, especially when Euro-Americans have practically pounded their economics, politics, and morals into these peoples?” (Buege 1996: 81–83).
- 16.
Calvin Martin (1978) also claims that the well-documented overharvesting of fauna by Amerindians during the Fur Trade was attributable to Western influences.
- 17.
It is important to note that contact with the West can, under certain circumstances, actually promote conservation, as the following case involving a Labradorian tribe indicates: According to Ellickson (2001:49), “[i]n earlier [pre-contact] times, the tribe’s norms had supported community hunting rights within its forests, a system that creates few incentives for an individual hunter to conserve the stock of game. Once the European traders had come on the scene, the tribe shifted to a system of exclusive hunting territories…This system is more efficient when game is scarce because the sole owner of a territory inhabited by non-migratory wild animals has a much sharper incentive than a communal hunter to avoid overhunting.”
- 18.
For data indicating that native peoples of New Zealand, Australia, and North America played a key role in the demise of megafauna, see Gillespie (2008).
- 19.
- 20.
Thus, “present-day Amazonian landscapes were shaped by a complex history of past human activities and sudden demographic collapse” (Erickson 2006: 235–236).
- 21.
Those who insist on believing that pre-contact America was a pristine wilderness fail to understand the complex interplay of nature and indigenous culture that shaped and continues to shape ecosystems throughout the Americas (Balée 1989; Erickson 2006). Research indicates that native peoples modified, and continue to modify, plant and animal communities “for human benefit and to increase productivity” (Kay 1998: 492).
- 22.
US President Lyndon B. Johnson signed the 1964 Wilderness Act into Law and this decree included the following statement: “A wilderness, in contrast with those areas where man and his works dominate the landscape, is hereby recognized as an area where the earth and the community of life are untrammeled by man, where man himself is a visitor who does not remain” (Wilderness Act, Public Law 88–577, September 3, 1964). For the origins of the concept of wilderness, see Newmann (1998).
- 23.
One of the justifications put forth for the forced relocation of San and Bakgalagadi peoples from Botswana’s Central Kalahari Game Reserve was that the refuge would have greater tourist value if the area was “pristine” (i.e., devoid of people living in the preserve) (Hitchcock et al. (2011).
- 24.
The creation of Yellowstone National Park is the quintessential example of fortress conservation as the US Cavalry forcibly removed Shoshone Indians from the Park in the 1880s (Igoe 2004).
- 25.
An example of this top–down, exclusionary policy that removes human beings from nature can be seen in Terborgh’s call for the “political courage” to establish “a carefully constructed and voluntary relocation program” for “contacted indigenous groups” (Terborgh 1999: 56).
- 26.
Dowie (2009) refers to the victims of such policies as “conservation refugees.”
- 27.
According to Stearman (1994: 348), a Yuquí hunter would never pass up an opportunity to give meat to another Yuquí because “prestige among men is based on hunting success.”
- 28.
- 29.
For more on the important role that prestige and status seeking play in hunting, consult. (Bliege Bird and Smith 2005; Bliege Bird et al. 2001; Gurven and Hill 2009; Hawkes 1991; Hawkes and Bliege Bird 2002; Raven 1990; Smith 2004).
- 30.
As previously reported, the 1964 Federal Wilderness Act was based on the premise that the most effective way to preserve biodiversity is to create and maintain large expanses of intact (i.e., unoccupied) lands (Dowie 2009).
- 31.
Likewise, Gold states, “In order to create successful wildlife restoration programs, anthropologists need to accurately describe the intersection between native people and the landscape” (Alan Gold, personal communication to Chacon, 2010).
- 32.
Lightfoot and Parrish (2009: 96) refer to the effect of Amerindian fire management as “pyro-diversity.”
- 33.
See also Sirén et al. (2004) for similar recommendations involving the Amazonian Quichua of Sarayacu.
- 34.
The settlement patterns of other indigenous peoples such as the pastoralist Turkana of Kenya are also greatly affected by warfare. According to Lienard, “ideally, the Turkana prefer to reside in small independent herding groups in their lowland homeland. However, as part of their annual transhumance, many Turkana relocate to mountain camps that are dangerously close to the territory of their traditional enemies. At these highland locations, the Turkana coalesce into large settlements of over 1,000 people for defensive reasons. The atmosphere in these mountain camps is very tense and people will only start relaxing when it is time to leave these hazardous mountain areas to travel back to the Turkana lowlands” (Pierre Lienard, personal communication to Chacon, 2010).
- 35.
See Redmond et al. (1999) for how pre-contact Venezuelan chiefdoms constructed 8-m-tall causeways that were likely designed with defensive purposes in mind.
- 36.
Likewise, Ferguson (1990:34) notes that “[b]y forcing relocations, war can result in reapportionment of resource territories to the size (and so military strength) of groups; and to weaker groups being forced to leave an area entirely.”
- 37.
- 38.
Moreover, Trigger (2003: 629) reports that “[f]or [Aztec] commoners, the only legitimate way to advance was by capturing enemy warriors in battle.”
- 39.
According to Trigger (1993: 67), “[a]ny [Aztec] man who was caught wearing clothes or ornaments above his station was subject to punishments, including the death penalty.”
- 40.
See Yamilette Chacon (2009) for a detailed analysis of Inka social mobility.
- 41.
- 42.
This location is known today as Felipe Carrillo Puerto (Reed 1964).
- 43.
Cited from Chacon’s unpublished field notes.
- 44.
According to Rubenstein (2007), the very act of possessing tsantsas serves to confirm the legitimacy of modern-day Shuar Federation leaders.
- 45.
- 46.
See Demarest and Woodfill (Chap. 7, this volume) for documentation of the important role that blood sacrifice continues to play among contemporary Mesoamericans.
- 47.
Chacon et al. (2007:123) report that to date, “…the remains of approximately 25 individuals who were most likely sacrificial victims have been recovered at pre-contact high-altitude locations throughout Andean south America.”
- 48.
- 49.
Catawba warriors were considered as being among the most accomplished fighters in the Southeast (Heath 2004).
- 50.
For example, Lewis and Clark’s Shoshone guide named Sacagawea was captured by a Hidatsa raiding party. Eventually, she was taken as a wife by the French trapper named Charbonneau, who had won her in a bet with the warriors who had captured her (Ambrose 1996).
- 51.
- 52.
Enormous concentrations of stake remnants have been identified throughout southeastern Alaska. According to Langdon, “it is likely that more than 10,000 buried wooden stakes are found in Little Salt Lake” (Langdon 2007: 245).
- 53.
According to Trimborn (1949), some Cauca Valley slaves were subjected to the removal of one of their incisors as a sign of their subjugated status.
- 54.
There are reports of some Guaicurú keeping captives in their service as late as 1892 (Santos-Granero 2009).
- 55.
Remarkably, some contemporary Yup’ik leaders claim that homicide never occurred among Eskimos until the advent of whites (Fienup-Riordan 1990).
- 56.
Igoe (2004) documents that after a 15-year-long campaign resulting in 15 deaths and no Indian casualties, Kayapo territory was free of outsiders.
- 57.
The Kayapo received critical support in their efforts to stop this proposed hydroelectric dam from Conservation International (Dowie 2009).
- 58.
- 59.
Fortunately, no Bakairí or illegal colonists were killed in the Paixola raid (Debra Picchi, personal communication to Chacon, 2010).
- 60.
The editors do not believe that the Bakairí should be denounced as “savages” for having defended their territory. Moreover, we do not feel that the anthropologist who documented these actions is guilty of denigrating Amerindians.
- 61.
Chacon and Mendoza have recently visited the site on two separate occasions. There is still no mention (either along one of the location’s many trails or in the site’s visitor center) of these sacrificial victims at Cahokia.
- 62.
See Caplan (2010) for discussion of how the Western media may sensationalize reports of native violence.
- 63.
- 64.
Additional harvesting of trees was conducted to meet dwelling construction, food, and fuel needs of Mississippian peoples (Davis 2000).
- 65.
A formidable body of scholarship has been assembled to document indigenous environmental impacts in the Maya region (Abrams and Rue 1988; Beach et al. 2006; Demarest et al. 2004; Earle 1997; Emery et al. 2000; Foias and Bishop 1997; Hodell et al. 1995; Santley et al. 1986; Sabloff 1990; Sharer 1994; Shaw 2003; Wright and White 1987).
- 66.
Other tribes involved in this trade included the Creeks who exchanged furs at New Orleans and the Shawnee who traded skins with the Ohio Valley Company (Davis 2000).
- 67.
Hudson notes that by the late eighteenth century, deer were scarce in parts of the Southeast (1981).
- 68.
- 69.
Ferguson (1990: 34) also notes that “[h]ostilities can create buffer zones where natural resources may be replenished, free from human exploitation.”
- 70.
Likewise, Tanzania’s plains that are so famous for harboring large numbers of East African wildlife are, in fact, the product of regular burning by local Maasai peoples (Igoe 2004).
- 71.
- 72.
- 73.
See Robarchek (1990) for an association between warfare and environmental degradation among pre-contact Puebloans.
- 74.
See Chap. 13 for a similar association between Amazonian warfare and secretive foraging (i.e., Achuar hunting camp) distributions.
- 75.
- 76.
Bodley’s writings reinforce this notion. In an attempt to create a general definition for indigenous people that can be applied globally, he characterizes native peoples as being “united in their opposition to technologies and development projects that they consider destructive and unnecessary” (Bodley 1999:147). In fact, modern-day Amerindian leaders often disagree with regard to what constitutes acceptable types of development (Krech 2005; Niezen 2009).
- 77.
For further discussion of Native American identity and environmentalism, see Krech (2005).
- 78.
According to Santos-Granero, “the denial of Amerindian-induced environmental degradation may cause harm insofar as it may reinforce the essentialist conviction that native peoples are sage and benevolent ‘guardians of the forest’ regardless of the historical situation in which they are immersed” (Fernando Santos-Granero, personal communication to Chacon 2009).
- 79.
According to Oakes, “laudable efforts towards the preservation of indigenous cultures and values should not be confused with the search for truth” (Gregory Oakes, personal communication to Chacon 2009).
- 80.
According to Gowdy (2006: 349), “[w]e can learn much from an examination of what worked and did not work in past societies in achievement of longrun sustainability.”
- 81.
This is significant as Western governments often favor indigenous leaders who are willing to allow the extraction of natural resources from tribal lands regardless of environmental consequences (Ranco 2007).
- 82.
Gross and Plattner (2002: 4) state that “anthropological researchers have an obligation to return something of value to communities where research is done.”
- 83.
Some indigenous groups appear to have “a single-minded collective attention to trade goods as a massive obsession” as the result of a series of historical processes that have caused Indians to become economically dependent on outsiders (Fisher 2000: 2). For example, among the Xikrin Kayapó, the passion for trade goods spurred tribal leaders to encourage outsiders to set up mining and logging operations on Indian lands (Fisher 2000). See Hugh-Jones (1992) for documentation of how the material wants of Amazonian peoples may significantly change once they come into contact with the Western world.
- 84.
Another example of the serious environmental challenges native peoples face can be found among Waimiri Atroari of Brazil whose population is growing by 7% per year. This trend will result in an increased need for substantially more food resources in the near future (Souza-Mazurek et al. 2000). See also Werner (1983).
- 85.
According to Fienup-Riordan, the failure on the part of Westerners to understand the role that Amerindian warfare played in the forging of native alliances will hamper efforts at understanding the political situation of many contemporary tribes. The characterization of indigenous peoples as pacifists can “cloud our understanding of the less-than-peaceful present” (1990:166).
- 86.
Cited from Chacon, unpublished field notes.
- 87.
Along these lines, Lovisek notes that “the history of violence is a part of the history of native peoples, as it is for others. An understanding of this aspect of their history is essential for understanding their contemporary relationships with other groups, the origin of many of their ceremonies, the geographic extent of their territories, their genealogies, and their contact with Europeans” (Joan Lovisek, personal communication to Chacon, 2011).
- 88.
Gregor and Plattner state that “the primary responsibility of a researcher is to do excellent research. Doing incompetent research is a favor to no one” (2002:4).
- 89.
Trigger (1997:x) urges anthropologists to practice responsible scholarship lest the discipline “descend into mythography, political opportunism, and bad science.”
- 90.
- 91.
See Robarchek (1990) for an association between warfare, environmental degradation, and tribalization among pre-contact Puebloans.
- 92.
According to Bishop, “any attempt on the part of anthropologists or other scholars to conceal data will eventually be exposed and the works of those who obfuscated the evidence will be viewed negatively” (Charles A. Bishop, personal communication to Chacon, 2010).
- 93.
Lancaster and Hames (2011) also warn against the abandonment of evidence-based anthropological research.
- 94.
Along these lines, Lovisek argues that “all anthropological theory is (or should be) subject to falsification by empirical evidence. Failure to consider significant aspects of culture (such as warfare and violence) would ultimately lead to a partial and distorted view of native societies. The failure to consider and publish Amerindian warfare would ultimately contribute to impeachable theories and discredit the anthropological enterprise” (Joan Lovisek, personal communication to Chacon, 2011).
- 95.
According to Trigger, for Maya, Aztec, and Inka peoples, the existence of social inequality would have been accepted as a normal/natural condition: “Every child would have been born into a family that had been shaped in the image of the state” (Trigger 1993:53).
- 96.
Hames echoes this sentiment by adding the following: “We anthropologists have an ethical obligation to report our findings to the agency funding our research in an honest and forthright manner” (Raymond Hames, personal communication to Chacon, 2010).
- 97.
Along these lines, Keely states the following: “Today, popular opinion finds it difficult to attribute to tribal peoples a capacity for rapaciousness, cruelty, ecological heedlessness, and Machiavellian guile equal to our own…Both laypersons and academics now prefer a vision of tribal peoples as lambs in Eden, sprouting ecological mysticism and disdain for the material conditions of life…When we attribute to primitive and prehistoric people only our virtues and none of our vice, we dehumanize them as much as ourselves” (Keely 1996:170).
- 98.
According to Dodds-Pennock, “revisionists who deny the existence of pre-contact Amerindian ritual violence are essentially buying into the colonial perspective which depicted it as a horrific an unexplainable savage practice” (Caroline Dodds-Pennock, personal communication to Chacon, 2010).
- 99.
Fienup-Riordan (1990) holds that social scientists should not replace a certain stereotype of Amerindian society for another, but rather she calls for the replacement of false images with one that is supported by evidence.
- 100.
Milner notes that “if we are going to say something useful about human behavior, we make no contribution by saying that native people are either ‘peaceful’ or ‘warlike’ in nature. To do so reduces Amerindians to cardboard cutouts as put forth by Rousseau and Hobbs. Amerindians are as complicated as we are. If we want to learn something about the human condition, we need to move beyond these cardboard cutout images” (George Milner, personal communication to Chacon 2009). Fausto also recently voiced his concern over this issue: “Anthropological theory building is hampered by the ‘ecologically noble savage’ vs. the ‘bloodthirsty savage’ dichotomy. This simplistic notion does not do justice to the socio-cultural complexity of Amerindian societies. Furthermore, the upholding of either one of these positions will be of no help to contemporary native peoples” (Carlos Fausto, personal communication to Chacon 2009).
- 101.
The editors point to The Baikirí Indians of Brazil: Politics, Ecology, and Change by Debra Picchi (2006) as an example of how it is fully possible to report accurately instances of Amerindian-induced environmental degradation and violence without degrading or demeaning native peoples.
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Chacon, R.J., Mendoza, R.G. (2012). Discussion and Conclusions. In: Chacon, R., Mendoza, R. (eds) The Ethics of Anthropology and Amerindian Research. Springer, New York, NY. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4614-1065-2_19
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