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Diet and Hygiene Between Ethics and Medicine: Evidence and the Reception of Alvise Cornaro’s La Vita Sobria in Early Seventeenth-Century England

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Evidence in the Age of the New Sciences

Abstract

Alvise Cornaro’s Treatises on the Sober Life (Discorsi della vita sobria) was one of the most popular books on diet and hygiene across the whole of Europe from its publication in the sixteenth century up to the early twentieth century. In this chapter, I show that the reasons for the success of Cornaro’s work in early modern England lie in the fact that two very different communities of practice saw the work’s conclusions as grounded upon a particular configuration of evidence that resonated with them: one spiritual, where it was used as part of an attempt to forge a via media between Puritans and Anglicans; the other medical, where it served as a case study from which more general conclusions about how to prolong life might be extrapolated. The unique context in which the first English translation of the Discorsi was conceived, produced, and published—involving some of the most prominent intellectual figures of the time, such as Francis Bacon, Nicholas Ferrar, and George Herbert—make this an important case study, useful for the reconstruction of a significant chapter of the history of dieting and hygiene, and the history of conceptions of evidence and their relationship to different communities of practice.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Alvise Cornaro (also known as Luigi Corner) was one of the most important figures of the intellectual circle of sixteenth-century Padua. He is also the author of an influential treatise on architecture and a treatise on hydraulics, and was patron and friend to artists and men of letters such as Giovan Maria Falconetto, Angelo Ruzante Beolco, Pierio Valeriano, Cornelio Musso, and Pietro Bembo. For further biographical information, see Alvise Cornaro, Scritti sulla Vita Sobria, Elogio e Lettere (Venezia: Corbo e Fiore Edizioni, 1983); Giuseppe Gullino, “Corner, Alvise,” in Dizionario Biografico degli italiani, http://www.treccani.it/biografie; Lionello Puppi (ed.), Alvise Cornaro e il suo tempo (Comune di Padova: Padova, 1980); Elio Menegazzo “Alvise Cornaro,” in Storia della cultura veneta. Vol. III., eds Girolamo Arnaldi and Manlio Pastore Stocchi (Vicenza: Neri Pozza, 1980); Giuseppe Fiocco, Alvise Cornaro (Venezia: Neri Pozza, 1965); Pompeo Gherardo Molmenti, Curiosità di storia veneziana (Bologna: Zanichelli, 1919).

  2. 2.

    Cornaro’s Trattato della vita sobria was first printed in 1558 by Grazioso Percacino in Padua. It was followed by Compendio breve della vita sobria in 1561, by Lettera al Barbaro in 1563, and by Amorevole Essortatione in 1565, all with Percacino. The four texts were finally collected in 1591 under the title Discorsi della vita sobria del Sr. Luigi Cornaro, edited by Evangelista Oriente and printed by Meietto in Padua.

  3. 3.

    Marisa Milani, “Introduction to Cornaro,” in Writings on the Sober Life: The Art and Grace of Living Long, ed. and trans. Hiroko Fudemoto (Toronto: University Press, 2014), 38. See also the original Italian version of the essay in Marisa Milani, “Come raggiungere,” Cultura Neolatina 4–6 (1980): 333–356. As noted by Milani, William Axon’s “Cornaro in English,” The Library 2 (1901): 120–129 contains numerous misleading errors.

  4. 4.

    The Spectator 195 (13 October 1711).

  5. 5.

    George Cheyne, The Natural Method of Curing Diseases (London: Strahan, 1742), 67: “For remeding the distempers of the body, to make a man life as long as his original frame was designed to last ... I think Pythagoras and Cornaro (for suggesting a general and effectual mean) by far the greatest men that ever were.”

  6. 6.

    Friedrich Nietzsche, “The Twilight,” in The Portable Nietzsche, trans. Walter Kauffman (New York: Penguin, 1976), 429.

  7. 7.

    Marisa Milani, “Come raggiungere,” 184.

  8. 8.

    Ken Albala, Eating Right in the Renaissance (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2002), 36: “It stands outside the mainstream of nutritionalist literature and perhaps precisely because it has no theoretical underpinning it could easily be adopted by any diet-conscious age.”

  9. 9.

    Cornaro, Scritti, 90: “Chè altro non è l’oro potabile o lo elisir vitae, o di qual altro nome si chiami, questo che questi troppo curiosi investigatori delle cose occulte van cercando, che la vita ordinata, facendo questa l’effetto che da lor è tanto disidirato, perchè conserva l’huomo, anchor che sia di mala complessione, sano et lo fa vivere prosperoso insino alli cento e più anni, et non lo lascia finire con male nè con alteratione d’humori ma per pura resulition del suo humido radicale che è ridotto al fine; che questo tanto e non più dicono che sa fare l’oro e lo elisir da molti più insino a questa hora ricercato che sperimentato.”

  10. 10.

    Jacob Burckhardt, The Civilization of the Rennaissance (Vienna: Phaidon, 1944), 124.

  11. 11.

    In this he aligned himself with the Renaissance idea that “there was no uniformely prescribed diet for all people, no recommended daily allowances, no set quantity of nutrition that all individuals should receive to maintain health and vigor. Different people of different complexions required different foods to be well nourished” Albala, Eating Right, 6.

  12. 12.

    Albala, Eating Right, 43.

  13. 13.

    Leonard Lessius, Hygiasticon: Or, The Right Course of Preserving Life and Health unto Extreme Old Age (Cambridge: Roger Daniel, 1634), 22.

  14. 14.

    See Marisa Milani, “Introduction to Cornaro.”

  15. 15.

    Lessius, Hygiasticon, 7–8: “Neque haec tractatio aliena videri debet ab instituto meo, qui Theologiam, non artem Medicam profiteor. Nam praeterquam quod medices theoriam olim non leviter attigi; rea haec a Theologi instituo non est. aliena. Agitur enim de virtute pulcherrima Temperantiae. […] Itaque haec consideratio non ita est. medica. Quin etiam suo modo ad Theologiam, & moralem philosophiam pertineat. Accedit quod finis & scopus, quem ac in re potissimus specto, Theologo fit dignissimus. Hic est., ut plurimis viris religionis, & aliis pietati addictis suppetat commoda ratio, qua Deo Domine nostro longo tempore facilius, laetius, et ferventius serviant, cum magna sua spirituali voluptate, & ingenti merito aeternae gloriae.”

  16. 16.

    Ibid., 7: “praeterquam quod medices theoriam olim non leviter attigi.”

  17. 17.

    Albala, Eating Right, 21.

  18. 18.

    Roger Ariew and Alan Gabbey, “The Scholastic Background,” in The Cambridge History of Seventeenth-Century Philosophy, ed. Daniel Garber and Michael Ayers, 425–453 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012), vol. 1, 425. See also Simone Mammola, “Does the History of Medicine Begin where the History of Philosophy Ends?” History Of European Ideas 40 (2010): 457–473.

  19. 19.

    Lessius, Hygisticon, 47.

  20. 20.

    Ibid., 4.

  21. 21.

    George Herbert, The Works, ed. F. E. Hutchinson (Oxford: University Press, 1941), 565.

  22. 22.

    Ferrar had several good reasons to avoid associating his name with that of the Jesuit Lessius. See Joyce Ransome, The Web Of Friendship (Cambridge: James Clarke and Co., 2011), 144ff.

  23. 23.

    Joyce Ransome, “George Herbert, Nicholas Ferrar, and the ‘Pious Works’ of Little Gidding,” George Herbert Journal 31 (2008): 1–19. See also Amy Charles, “Herbert and the Ferrars: Spirituall Edification,” in Like Season’s Timber. New Essays on George Herbert, ed. Edmund Miller and Robert DiYanni (New York: Peter Lang, 1987).

  24. 24.

    See Kate Riley, “The Good Way Revisited” (Doctoral dissertation, University of Western Australia, 2007).

  25. 25.

    Edward Lenton was the author of the letter of which the pamphlet is an adaptation “in distorted and vitriolitic terms.” Ransome, “George Herbert,” 15, n. 8.

  26. 26.

    The Arminian Nunnery (London, 1641), 4–8: “oh the stupid and blind devotion of these people, for Men and Women in health of able and active bodies and parts to have no particular Callings, or to quit their Callings, and betake themselves to I know not what new forme of Fasting and Prayer, and a contemplative idle life, a lip-labour devotion, and a will-worship, Eccl. 4 & 17 which by the word of God is no better that a specious kind of idlenesse, as St Augustine terms them to be but splendida peccata: as if diligence in our particular lawful callings were no part of our service to God … They also take upon them to be Physitians and Chirurgions in ministering Physicke and Chirurgery for the sick and sore, and pretend to be very charitable to the poore, but as it is verily thought in a meritorious way.” See also, 10: “Arminianism is a bridge to Popery, the bridge was not only made (a great part of the Clergie of this Land being downright Arminians) but some have past over it, witness Preist Shelfort, Preist Cozens, and this Familie in this Booke treated on with divers others, and had not God of his great mercy indetermined the chiefe Arches of that bridge, causing them to fall in the River of confusion, we have cause to think that the greater part of this Land would as have followed the rest; but now God hath hindred it, not only by breaking the bridge of the just downfall of many of the chiefe of the Arminian Faction, but also by setting up that strong, high and thick wall of the late Parlamentary national Protestation, for which [...] his name to ever praised.”

  27. 27.

    The publication of this book actually only took place in 1637 after both Herbert and Ferrar were dead, although its publication had been planned long before. Accordingly, it is still representative of the general interests of this milieu. On the history of the reception of Valdés’ work in Britain, see Massimo Firpo, Tra Alumbrados e “spirituali” (Firenze: Leo S. Olschki, 1990), 118–125.

  28. 28.

    On the way Ferrar might have come into contact with Valdés’s works see Ransome, “George Herbert,” 6.

  29. 29.

    Ransome, “George Herbert,” 8.

  30. 30.

    Patrick Grant, The Transformation of Sin (Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1974), 107.

  31. 31.

    Stanley Stewart, George Herbert (Riverside: University of California, 1986), 59.

  32. 32.

    For a more detailed analysis of the theological aspects of the issue of justification in Valdés, see Jose Nieto, Juan de Valdés (Genève: Libraire Droz, 1970), esp. 323ff.

  33. 33.

    Ransome, “George Herbert,” 9

  34. 34.

    See Herbert’s Briefe Notes on Valdesso’s Considerations in Herbert, The Works, 304–320. See also Ransome, “George Herbert,” 11.

  35. 35.

    Lessius, Hygiasticon, 4.

  36. 36.

    Ransome, Web of Friendship, 22.

  37. 37.

    Lessius, Hygiasticon, 5.

  38. 38.

    Herbert, The Works, 506. See also Carmen Gallo, L’altra Natura. Eucaristia e poesia nel primo seicento inglese (Pisa: ETS, 2017), 102ff.

  39. 39.

    For an extensive reading of Lent, see Christopher Hodgkins, Authority, Church, and Society (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1993), 64ff.

  40. 40.

    Herbert, The Works, 86.

  41. 41.

    Ibid.

  42. 42.

    In this regard, another aspect that could make Cornaro’s praise of temperance welcome to Herbert is that it did not seem to entail renuciation of the senses. Cornaro, in his treatises, is happy to prove how sobriety helped him to enjoy music and art, talking about how he likes to spend time singing with his grandchildren in his beautiful mansion. This in turn could fit well with an Arminian worldview, which was, if compared to the “gloomy Puritans,” peculiarly optimistic and cheerful. See Colin Campbell, The Romantic Ethic (London: Blackwell 1989).

  43. 43.

    Grant, The Transformation of Sin, 131–132.

  44. 44.

    For a schematic presentation of the intellectual relationship between Herbert and Bacon, see Harold Toliver, George Herbert’s Christian Narrative (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1993). See also Charles Whitney, “Bacon and Herbert as Moderns” in Like Season’s Timber. New Essays on George Herbert, ed. Edmund Miller and Robert DiYanni (New York: Peter Lang, 1987).

  45. 45.

    I quote from the English translation of Bacon’s Latin in Lessius, Hygiasticon, 8. The Latin passage reads: “Videtur ab experientia comprobari quo Dieta tenuis, et ferè Pythagorica [...] vitam reddat longaeuam. [...] Id quod planè demonstrauit Regimen, et Diaeta Cornari Veneti, qui bibit et edit tot annos ad iustum pondus; unde centesimum Annum Viribus et Sensibus validos superauit.” Francis Bacon, Historia vitae et mortis (London, 1623), 241–242. In the first English translation of Hygiasticon it is erroneously cited as page number 141. This was corrected in the second edition of the same year.

  46. 46.

    “Preface” in Lessius, Hygiasticon, 7.

  47. 47.

    Lessius, Hygiasticon, 6.

  48. 48.

    Bacon’s admiration for Cornaro was actually not unbounded, since he probably considered his meagre diet too extreme, as the following excerpt from History of Life and Death proves: “I am of opinion that the duties of life are preferable to life itself. Wherefore, if there be anything which may exactly answer our intentions, yet interferes at all with the offices and duties of life, I reject it. I may perhaps make some light mention of things of this kind, but I by no means insist upon them. For I do not enter into any serious or accurate discourse either of living in caves, like the cave of Epimenides, where the sunbeams and changes of temperature never penetrate; or of perpetual bathing in prepared liquors; or of shirts and cerecloths so applied that the body should always be in a kind of case; or of thick covers of paint on the body, after the manner of savages; or of that exact regulation of food and diet which makes the preservation of life its sole object, to the neglect of everything else (such as that of Herodicus among the ancients, and Cornaro of Venice in our days, though with more moderation); or of any such strange, nice, and inconvenient matters. But I prescribe such remedies and precepts as will neither prevent the duties of life, nor hinder and embarrass them too much.” Bacon, The Philosophical Works, vol. 10 (London: J. J. and P. Knapton, 1733), 81.

  49. 49.

    Richard Serjeantson, “Natural Knowledge in the New Atlantis,” in Francis Bacon’s New Atlantis: New Interdisciplinary Essays, ed. Price Bronwen, 82–105 (Manchester: University Press, 2002), 93. See also Gemelli’s considerations on “Bacon’s constant and primary interest in this topic.” Benedino Gemelli, “The History of Life and Death,” Early Science and Medicine 17 (2012):134–157, at 139. See also the sometimes inaccurate but fascinating first chapter “The History of Life and Death” of David Boyd Haycock’s Mortal Coil (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2008).

  50. 50.

    Bacon, The Philosophical Works, 98. See also, vol. 2, 325: “At istud postremum non videntur medici tanquam partem principalem artis suae agnovisse, verum idem reliquis duobus satis imperite immiscuisse. Putant enim, si propulsentur morbi antequam ingruant, et curentur postquam invaserint, prolongationem vitae ultro sequi. Quod licet minime dubium sit, tamen parum acute prospiciunt, horum utrumque ad morbos tantum pertinere et ad eam solummodo vitae prolongationem, quae a morbis abbreviatur et intercipitur. Atqui filum ipsum vitae producere ac mortem per resolutionem simplicem et atrophiam senilem sensim obrepentem, ad tempus summovere, argumentum est., quod nemo ex medicis pro dignitate tractavit.”

  51. 51.

    Bacon, The Works, vol. 2, 325: “Ars autem et industria humana naturae et fato non imperant, sed subministrant.”

  52. 52.

    On the complicated issue of the actual legacy of alchemy and magic in Bacon’s thought, see Paolo Rossi, Francesco Bacone (Torino: Einaudi 1974).

  53. 53.

    Serjeantson, “Natural Knowledge,” 95.

  54. 54.

    Francis Bacon, On the Dignity and Advancement of Learning, in The Works, vol. 9, 39. Cf. vol. 2, 336: “Sed utique propter donum mortalibus ex terrenis quasi maximum, cujus poterint esse secundum Deum dispensatores et administri.”

  55. 55.

    Bacon, On the Dignity and Advancement of Learning, 39. Cf. vol. 2, 336: “Licet enim Mundus homini Christiano ad Terram Promissionis contendenti tanquam Eremus sit, tamen in Eremo proficiscentibus calceos et vestes (corpus scilicet nostrum, quod animae locus tegminis est) minus atteri, Gratiae Divinae munus quoddam aestimandum.”

  56. 56.

    Elio Menegazzo, “Altre osservazioni intorno alla vita e all’ambiente del Ruzante e di Alvise Cornaro,” Italia Medievale e Umanistica IX (1966): 229–62.

  57. 57.

    Bacon, The Works, vol. 10, 73. Cf. vol. 3, 399: “Victus sive dieta Pythagorica, aut monastica, secundum regulas strictiores, aut ad amussim aequalis (qualis fuit illa Cornari), videtur potenter facere ad vitae longitudinem. At contra, ex iis qui libere et communi more vivunt, longaeviores reperti sunt saepe numero edaces et epuloni, denique qui liberariore mensa usi sunt. Media diaeta, quae habetur pro temperata, laudatur, et ad sanitatem confert, ad vitam longaevam parum potest.”

  58. 58.

    Humphrey Brooke, Ugieine (London, 1650), 12. Brooke later states that “the strictness of Lessius and Cornaro [should be left] to Speculative and Monastick men, as somewhat above us, and besides us.” ibid., 101.

  59. 59.

    I would like to thank Professors Francesco Rognoni and Franco Lonati for alerting me to this poem. Prof. Rognoni also pointed out another reference to Cornaro’s book in a letter sent by Elizabeth Bishop to Robert Lowell in 1957 which shows the extent to which Cornaro’s popularity had waned by this point: “I have been reading a lot in Herbert ... I think we should have read H.’s translation or Cornaro’s (whoever he was) “Treatise of Temperance and Sobriety” out loud to each other.” Elizabeth Bishop and Robert Lowell, Words in the Air. The Complete Correspondence between Elizabeth Bishop and Robert Lowell, ed. Thomas Trevisano and Saskia Hamilton (New York: Farrar, 2008), 125.

  60. 60.

    Charles Sandburg, Chicago Poems (Mineola: Dover Publications, 1994), 22.

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Correspondence to Federico Bellini .

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This article would never have seen the light had it not been for the support and encouragement of Professor Arturo Cattaneo, to whom it is dedicated in affection and gratitude. I must also warmly thank Rebecca Carnevali for her competent help in editing and the anonymous reviewers for an excellent job.

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Bellini, F. (2018). Diet and Hygiene Between Ethics and Medicine: Evidence and the Reception of Alvise Cornaro’s La Vita Sobria in Early Seventeenth-Century England. In: Lancaster, J., Raiswell, R. (eds) Evidence in the Age of the New Sciences. International Archives of the History of Ideas Archives internationales d'histoire des idées, vol 225. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-91869-3_11

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