Abstract
Neuroscientific evidence is increasingly reaching United States courtrooms in a number of legal contexts. Just in calendar year 2010, the U.S. legal system saw its first evidentiary hearing in federal court on the admissibility of functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) lie-detection evidence; the first admission of quantitative electroencephalography (qEEG) evidence contributing in part to a reduced sentence in a homicide case; and a U.S. Supreme Court ruling explicitly citing brain development research. Additional indicators suggest rapid growth. The number of cases in the U.S. involving neuroscientific evidence doubled from 2006 to 2009. And since 2000, the number of English-language law review articles including some mention of neuroscience has increased fourfold. In 2008 and again in 2009, more than 200 published scholarly works mentioned neuroscience. The data clearly suggest that there is growing interest on the part of law professors, and growing demand on the part of law reviews, for scholarship on law and the brain (Shen 2010). In addition, a number of symposia on law and neuroscience have been held in the United States over the past few years, and despite the notable youth of the field, courses in Law and Neuroscience have been taught at a number of U.S. law schools. This vivid interest in neurolaw, from both scholars and practitioners, is born of the technological developments that allow noninvasive detection of brain activities. But despite the rapid increase of legal interest in neuroscientific evidence, it remains unclear how the U.S. legal system – at the courtroom, regulatory, and policy levels – will resolve the many challenges that new neuroscience applications raise. The emerging field of law and neuroscience is being built on a foundation joining: (a) rapidly developing technologies and techniques of neuroscience; (b) quickly expanding legal scholarship on implications of neuroscience; and (c) (more recently) neuroscientific research designed specifically to explore legally relevant topics. With the institutional support of many of the country’s top research universities, as well as the support of the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation, among other private foundations and public funding agencies, the U.S. is well positioned to continue contributing to international developments in neurolaw. This chapter provides an overview of notable neurolaw developments in the United States. The chapter proceeds in six parts. Section 1 introduces the development of law and neuroscience in the United States. Section 2 then considers several of the evidentiary contexts in which neuroscience has been, and likely will be, introduced. Sections 3 and 4 discuss the implications of neuroscience for the criminal and civil systems, respectively. Section 5 reviews three special topics: lie detection, memory, and legal decision-making. Section 6 concludes with brief thoughts about the future of law and neuroscience in the United States. As judges, lawyers, legislators, and the public become more acquainted with neuroscientific evidence, and as neuroscience continues to produce more legally relevant findings, it is likely that we will see continued expansion of law and neuroscience in the United States.
Preparation of this chapter was supported by the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation (Grant # 07-89249-000 HCD), The Regents of the University of California, and Vanderbilt University. Research assistance was provided by Katherine Kuhn and Tim Mitchell.
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Notes
- 1.
As a sampling: in 2008, the Berkman Center for Internet and Society and the Petrie-Flom Center for Health Law Policy, Biotechnology and Bioethics of Harvard Law School hosted a roundtable panel titled Should Criminal Law be Reconsidered in Light of Advances in Neuroscience?. In 2008, the Initiative on Neuroscience and the Law at Baylor College of Medicine hosted a conference on Neuroscience and Law. In 2008, UC Riverside Extension Law & Science Program and the Gruter Institute for Law and Behavioral Research hosted a Seminar on Law and Neuroscience. In 2008, the University of Akron School of Law hosted a law review symposium on Neuroscience, Law, and Government. In 2009, the MacArthur Foundation Law and Neuroscience Project sponsored a symposium titled Psychopathy and the Law. In 2009, the Stanford Technology Law Review hosted a symposium on Neuroscience and the Courts: The Implications of Advances in Neurotechnology. In 2009, the Vermont Law Review published a special issue, Emotions In Context: Exploring The Interaction Between Emotions And Legal Institutions (which drew heavily on neuroscience research). In 2009, the Gruter Institute for Law and Behavioral Research ran a conference titled Law, Biology and the Brain. In 2010, the American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research hosted an event titled Understanding Humans through Neuroscience. In 2010, Mercer University School of Law hosted a conference on The Brain Sciences in the Courtroom. In 2011, the Denver University Law Review hosted a Symposium on Law and Neuroscience; and the Dana Foundation hosted a Law and Neuroscience conference in New York. Also, in 2011 a Neuroscience and the Law forum was co-sponsored by the National Academy of Sciences and the U.K. Royal Society.
- 2.
More information on the Law and Neuroscience Project, and on the Research Network on Law and Neuroscience, is available online at: http://www.lawneuro.org. In addition, two other useful online resources for law and neuroscience information are: (1) the “Neuroethics and Law” blog, maintained by Adam Kolber, at http://kolber.typepad.com; and (2) the Research Network blog at: http://lawneuro.typepad.com.
- 3.
See: Society for Neuroscience, SfN Milestones: 40 Years of Evolution (2009), http://www.sfn.org/skins/main/pdf/annual_report/fy2009/milestones.pdf.
- 4.
Overruled on other grounds, 6 N.Y.3d 119, 843 N.E.2d 727, 2005 N.Y. LEXIS 3389 (2005).
- 5.
We do not review here the science of fMRI, and its many limitations, but refer interested readers to Jones et al. (2009) for an accessible discussion of the technology. For more general introductions to other cognitive neuroscience methods, see Gazzaniga et al. (2009), Ward (2009), and Purves et al. (2008).
- 6.
In addition, a number of websites have emerged as forums for discussing neuroethics and related bioethics issues: Dana Foundation (http://www.dana.org/); University of Pennsylvania (http://www.neuroethics.upenn.edu/); President’s Council on Bioethics (http://www.bioethics.gov/); Center for Cognitive Liberty & Ethics (http://www.cognitiveliberty.org/); Stanford Center for Biomedical Ethics (http://bioethics.stanford.edu/); National Institutes of Health Bioethics Resources on the Web (http://bioethics.od.nih.gov/).
- 7.
Given the institutional design of the United States criminal justice system, the admissibility of neuroscientific evidence will not be uniform across the country. This is because the United States has multiple, overlapping criminal jurisdictions (Barkow 2011). Local, state, and federal authorities can all bring criminal charges (Barkow 2011; Stuntz 2008). Of particular note for understanding the admissibility of neuroscientific evidence is that the evidentiary rules that apply in the federal system may be different than those that apply in each of the 50 state systems. While there are many similarities across the 50 states, each state criminal code is unique and each state crafts, within Constitutional limits, its own admissibility standards for scientific evidence. Thus, it should be kept in mind that although we discuss (for brevity) only the Federal rules, in practice neuroscientific evidence will be evaluated by many different standards.
- 8.
It is noted by commentators that scientific evidence, such as fMRI, may be offered to prove an “adjudicative fact” (e.g., determining mental capacity or for diagnosing a brain injury), or to prove a “legislative fact” (e.g., that there is a general relationship between exposure to violent video games and aggressive behavior) (Feigenson 2006; Davis 1942).
- 9.
At the state level, some states have adopted the Daubert approach; some states still rely primarily on a general acceptance test based on Frye v. United States (1923); and some states have blended the two.
- 10.
Our discussion of the Semrau case here is derived, in part, from Shen and Jones (2011).
- 11.
In evaluating the admissibility of the evidence, the federal judge performed a two-prong gatekeeping role for expert scientific evidence, first evaluating the reliability and then the relevance of the testimony. Because the Court did not find the proffered testimony in Semrau to be reliable, it did not reach the relevance prong.
- 12.
United States v. Semrau, Report & Recommendation, p. 31 (2010).
- 13.
Because of the United States’s federal system, each of the fifty states can, within Constitutional limitations, set its own mens rea requirements. As we did in discussing evidentiary standards, we will focus here solely on the federal system.
- 14.
More generally, U.S. society is now being exposed to explicitly brain-based advertisements related to the developing brain. An ad created by the All-State Insurance company features an illustrated brain, sitting on a pedestal labeled “16-year-old brain”. One area of the brain is missing, and the ad reads: “Why do most 16-year-olds drive like they’re missing a part of their brain? Because they are.” The ad, which encourages readers to contact their legislators and support Good Driving Laws, is illustrative of the ways by which brain-based evidence may affect society and policymaking even outside of the court system. See: http://www.allstate.com/content/refresh-attachments/Brain-Ad.pdf.
- 15.
See: National Association of Drug Court Professionals, http://www.nadcp.org/learn/what-are-drug-courts/history.
- 16.
National Center on Addiction and Substance Abuse at Columbia University (2010). Behind Bars II: Substance Abuse and America's Prison Population. NCJ 230327.
- 17.
Petersilia (2003), p. 48.
- 18.
Stone (1993), p. 23.
- 19.
Allen v. Bloomfield Hills (2008), p. 57.
- 20.
One option, often rejected by courts, is to allow an expert witness to testify to the limitations of memory. In rejecting this option, courts may point out that it is the purpose of the jury to make its own estimation of the reliability of the witness’ memory (United States v. Rodriguez-Berrios 2009).
- 21.
The bibliography is available online at: http://www.lawneuro.org.
- 22.
For more information on the Society for Evolutionary Analysis in Law (SEAL), see: http://www.sealsite.org.
- 23.
Emphasis added. Quoted in: Gehrman (2007).
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Jones, O.D., Jones, O.D., Shen, F.X. (2012). Law and Neuroscience in the United States. In: Spranger, T. (eds) International Neurolaw. Springer, Berlin, Heidelberg. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-21541-4_19
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