Abstract
Senior politicians at the state-level in India’s federal system—Chief Ministers and their close associates—have a potent impact on urban centres within their states. These leaders have too much power to be marginalised or ignored, as they often are in analyses of urban themes and of development more generally. This chapter seeks to provide a context for discussions of policy processes by explaining how senior politicians tend (with inevitable variations) to perceive and address cities within their states. They are pulled in different directions by competing perceptions of cities and competing political imperatives. They see cities as sources of revenues, economic growth, and illicit “fund raising”. But cities are also potential sites of disorder, and leaders who favour cities risk alienating rural voters who decide election outcomes. So politicians are caught in crosscurrents. What, therefore, emerges is not a tidy picture, but confused and conflicted sets of perspectives. This adds up to a far less well-ordered basis for policy-making than technocrats prefer, but it is a reality that one must understand.
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Notes
- 1.
On the dependence of state governments on sales and excise tax revenues in the 1980s, see Manor (1993: 51–61).
- 2.
New Indian Express (Hyderabad), 28 August 2013. This newspaper is separate from the Indian Express.
- 3.
We must take care not to overstate this point. Some distinguished economists have been arguing that high rates of economic growth have secured election victories for ruling parties at the state level in recent years. Their arguments greatly oversimplify much more complex processes.
- 4.
He again became Chief Minister in May 2014 of the new, smaller state of Andhra Pradesh in the areas, sometimes called ‘Seemandhra’.
- 5.
This is based on interviews with the then Editor (South) of the Economic Times, E. Raghavan, and with the young entrepreneur in question.
- 6.
The study was conducted by Karnataka Election Watch and appeared in Deccan Herald (Bengaluru), 10 May 2013. See also, The Week, 7 April 2013; Deccan Herald (Bengaluru), 9 April 2013. That analysis covered a large majority of new legislators: 218 out of a total of 224.
- 7.
That allergy emerged forcefully from research which I conducted with Rob Jenkins (Jenkins and Manor 2017). It represents the Indian state at its worst, but that same study also revealed other trends which show the Indian state at its best.
- 8.
This phrase was used by Manisha Priyam in verbal discussions with the author. It will appear in her future publications.
- 9.
This was often true even of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) (see Manor 2005).
- 10.
- 11.
This occurred, for example, under Chief Minister S. Bangarappa in Karnataka and, in 1990, dissidents in Chief Minister Chenna Reddy’s Congress Party fomented communal violence in Hyderabad (Andhra Pradesh) in order to weaken their own leader.
- 12.
See, for example, the discussion of misleading urban bias in opinion surveys in Manor 2016b.
- 13.
Some of the ideas developed under BATF were incorporated into the Jawaharlal Nehru National Urban Renewal Mission (JNNURM) after 2004, but that was a central government programme and many state-level leaders were uncomfortable with the provisions in it to promote greater transparency and downward accountability—and ensured that such provisions produced little of substance (Interviews with analysts of JNNURM, New Delhi, April and June 2013).
- 14.
The project was titled ‘The India Human Development Survey’ (see www.ihds.umd.edu, accessed on 11 May 2014). For reports on the team’s work, see The Hindu (New Delhi) 30 March 2014 and 5 April 2014.
- 15.
I owe that phrase to a discussion with Anne Booth, an Indonesia specialist at the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London.
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Manor, J. (2017). Crosscurrents: State-Level Politicians’ Conflicting Views of Urban India. In: Jayaram, N. (eds) Social Dynamics of the Urban. Exploring Urban Change in South Asia. Springer, New Delhi. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-81-322-3741-9_12
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