Abstract
In the last chapter we saw that although Galileo was factually right in believing the thesis of the earth’s motion, there are legitimate questions that can be raised about whether his reasons for this belief were logically and methodologically valid. However, although such questions are legitimate, that is not to say that the corresponding anti-Galilean criticisms are themselves correct, either factually, logically, or methodologically. Similarly, although Galileo was substantively right in believing that Scripture is not a scientific authority, his supporting arguments can and should be questioned. But again, these questions have not yielded tenable criticisms of his hermeneutical arguments.
On the other hand, the controversy over Galileo’s hermeneutical views and arguments is more complex than the one over his cosmological views and arguments. For one thing, criticism of his hermeneutics has a longer history than the criticism of his astronomy. For another, it is harder to determine what his hermeneutical views were as compared with his astronomical views. Thus the hermeneutical controversy can more easily generate another genre of anti-Galilean criticism based on attributing to him views he did not hold; here the objection would be that he held theses that are substantively incorrect. This provides us with one reason why it will be instructive to examine the history of the substantive criticism of Galileo’s hermeneutics. But there is another reason.
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Notes
- 1.
See, for example, Artigas and Sánchez de Toca (2008), Baldini (2000), Beltrán Marí (1998), Benítez (1999), Beretta (1999a), Borgato (1996), Brandmüller (1992, 147-198), Brandmüller and Greipl (1992), Fantoli (2003b, 345-373), Favaro (1887; 1891), Feldhay (1995, 13-25; 2000), Galluzzi (1993a,b; 1998; 2000), Garzend (1912), Hall (1980), Heilbron (1999), Howell (1996), Langford (1971, 159-188), Lerner (1998b), Maffei (1975; 1987); Mayaud (1997), Mercati (1926-1927), Monchamp (1892; 1893), Motta (1993; 1997b; 2000), Olivieri (1840; 1841a,b), Pepe (1996a,b), Pesce (1987; 1991a; 2000), Poupard (1992), Redondi (1994), Roberts (1870; 1885), Santillana (1955, 322-330), Segre (1989; 1997; 1998), Simoncelli (1992), Tabarroni (1983), and Wallace (1996, 392-396).
- 2.
See Finocchiaro (2005b) and Chapter 8.
- 3.
Section 8.2 above; cf. Finocchiaro (2005b, 26-33).
- 4.
- 5.
Favaro (16: 169-171, 202), Finocchiaro (2005b, 53-55), and Section 8.3.
- 6.
- 7.
- 8.
- 9.
- 10.
- 11.
- 12.
Voltaire (1754-1757, part 4, chapter 1, 4-5).
- 13.
- 14.
Cf. Nouvelle Biographie Générale (Paris, 1863); 33: 78-81; and Enciclopedia italiana (Rome, 1934), 22: 24-25.
- 15.
- 16.
- 17.
- 18.
- 19.
- 20.
See Finocchiaro (2005b, 338-357) and Section 8.17.
- 21.
- 22.
Mallet du Pan (1784, 124), Favaro 12: 241-243.
- 23.
Here quoted from Bergier (1823, vol. 3, column 464).
- 24.
Here quoted from Bergier (1823, vol. 3, column 464).
- 25.
Reprinted in Bergier (1823, vol. 7, pp. 365-370).
- 26.
Here quoted from Bergier (1823, vol. 7, p. 369).
- 27.
Although I have been able to consult only the eighth edition of this encyclopedia published in 1832, the article in question may be dated at 1797, the date of the second edition, because this edition mentions Mallet and the first one appeared before Mallet’s article; Feller died in 1802. Cf. Feller (1782; 1797; 1832).
- 28.
- 29.
For more on the myth of e pur si muove, see Section 8.6.
- 30.
- 31.
- 32.
Tiraboschi (1772-1782, 8: 123-144; 1782-1797, 8: 143-172).
- 33.
- 34.
- 35.
- 36.
- 37.
- 38.
I owe this information to private correspondence from Dr. Philip Shoemaker, who refers to the Daily Cincinnati Enquirer, 13 November 1843, p. 2, columns 1 and 2.
- 39.
Quoted by Purcell from Hallam (1837-1839, 4: 16).
- 40.
- 41.
Adams is here confusing the 1633 proceedings with the 1616 ones. It was the 1633 proceedings which concluded with an Inquisition sentence signed by 7 (out of 10) cardinal-inquisitors. On the other hand, it was in February 1616 that the physical absurdity and the religious erroneousness of the earth’s motion were declared (unanimously) in a committee report of 11 Inquisition consultants, but the cardinal-inquisitors did not endorse that report and so did not themselves issue a formal decree. See Finocchiaro (1989, 146, 291).
- 42.
- 43.
- 44.
- 45.
- 46.
- 47.
- 48.
For more details on this development, see Berggren and Sjöstedt (1996, 145-147).
- 49.
“Epigrafi ed offese,” L’Osservatore Romano, 23 April 1887.
- 50.
- 51.
- 52.
- 53.
- 54.
- 55.
As stipulated in Section 8.17, references to the pope’s 1979 and 1992 speeches will be given by just mentioning section numbers (printed in all editions) and paragraph numbers (easily supplied by the reader).
- 56.
- 57.
An interpretation along these lines had been mentioned in 1661 by Thomas Salusbury, but made no impact; whereas after the point was advanced by Marini, it was soon adopted and elaborated by Biot (1858, 3: 1-59), who regarded it as a great lesson, so much so that it led him to reject and revise his own earlier (1816) interpretation. For more on Salusbury, see Wilding (2008) and Section 12.7.
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Finocchiaro, M.A. (2010). Galileo as a Bad Theologian?. In: Defending Copernicus and Galileo. Boston Studies in the Philosophy of Science, vol 280. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-90-481-3201-0_10
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