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Memory and Empirical Information: Samuel Hartlib, John Beale and Robert Boyle

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The Body as Object and Instrument of Knowledge

Part of the book series: Studies in History and Philosophy of Science ((AUST,volume 25))

Abstract

Robert Boyle and John Beale had connections with Samuel Hartlib and his correspondence circle. The position of these three figures can be taken as an ‘empirical’ one in the sense that they favoured ‘particulars’ over ‘systems’. But differences emerge if we consider their attitudes towards the role of memory in Baconian natural histories. Hartlib’s call for empirical particulars coexisted with an expectation that information could be reduced and arranged to aid both memory and thinking. As one model, William Petty promoted John Pell’s reductions of mathematical knowledge. Beale’s letters to Boyle (in the 1660s) urged systematic ordering of empirical data in the service of memory and hypotheses. Although Boyle did believe that a disciplined individual memory could embody multifarious experiences, he resisted Beale’s advice. What we accept as Boyle’s ‘empirical’ attitude was not so much a distinctive commitment to gathering matters of fact – something also professed by Hartlib and Beale – but a refusal to condense and arrange material in the way they demanded. Beale’s promotion of memory ­techniques that relied on highly structured arrangements of units seems to have aggravated Boyle’s existing suspicion of premature systems.

I am grateful to the Australian Research Council for funding the larger project to which this chapter belongs. For their advice and comments, I thank Peter Anstey, Mary Louise Yeo, an anonymous referee, and participants at a workshop at Sydney University convened by Charles Wolfe. I also thank Jacky Hodgson and her staff in Special Collections, University of Sheffield Library, for access to the original Hartlib Papers.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Hobbes 1651, 16.

  2. 2.

    Passmore 1970, 19 cited in Yeo 1993, 178. See also Snyder 2006. For information on historical figures mentioned in this chapter, see the Oxford Dictionary of National Biography.

  3. 3.

    See van Fraassen 2002.

  4. 4.

    Power 1663–1664, 184 and 192; my emphasis. Here, and in all subsequent quotations from primary sources, I preserve the original spelling and punctuation.

  5. 5.

    Peter Anstey (2005) contrasts ‘experimental’ and ‘speculative’ philosophy. I think the other kinds of empirical data that I mention here need to be added to the ‘experimental’ side of this contrast.

  6. 6.

    Boyle 1690, 54; also 4–5. I leave aside the question of the various meanings of the word information (and ‘informations’) in this period.

  7. 7.

    Ibid., 57; see also 53–7; this quotation also in Boyle 1999–2000, 11, 306.

  8. 8.

    Boyle 1690, 5.

  9. 9.

    Ibid., 52. This passage shows that Boyle had to distinguish his position from that of the ‘empiricks’, who also professed opposition to general systems. See Galen 1985; also Cook 1990.

  10. 10.

    For the tension created by Bacon’s linkage of Memoria and Historia, see Yeo 2007.

  11. 11.

    Boyle 1661, 1–36, at 6–9; also the 2nd edn. of 1669 in Boyle 1999–2000, 2, 9–34. See Anstey 2000, 4–7 for the caveat that Boyle was not opposed to systematisation as such. On this, see Boyle 1674.

  12. 12.

    Boyle 1692, 150 for Title XIX, ‘Of the Heat and Coldness of the Air’; also in Boyle 1999–2000, 12, 100. The material for this work was gathered from the 1660s onwards. The Title XIX cited here appeared as no. 18 in a copy of a list of thirty-one Titles dating from 1682; this is in Bodleian Locke MS c. 42, part 1, 16–17. Apart from this clue, I have not attempted to establish the likely date of this specific Title. See the editors’ discussion in Boyle 1999–2000, 12, xii–xxi.

  13. 13.

    In this instance, Boyle was not referring to grand systems, but to a doctrine about the nature of air and some of its effects in climatic regions.

  14. 14.

    Beale was elected FRS in January 1663. Maddison (1958) lists 27 letters from Beale to Boyle between these dates; in Boyle 2001 there are 30 letters, two of which are no longer extant.

  15. 15.

    See Greengrass et al. 1994.

  16. 16.

    See Stubbs 1982, 477–85 and 464 for suggestion that Beale’s correspondence amounts to about 400 letters. There is no mention of Beale in More 1944.

  17. 17.

    Boyle to Hartlib, [early 1647], in Boyle 2001, 1, 51; and Hartlib, Ephemerides, January–June 1648, HP31/22/1A. Hereafter, all citations from the Hartlib Papers (Hartlib 2002) are given in this format. For Boyle’s early links with Hartlib’s circle, including Beale, William Petty, Benjamin Worsely, William Brereton and John Worthington, see Maddison 1969, 61–63, 68, 71 and 95. See also O’Brien 1965; Shapin 1994, 137, 144, 175.

  18. 18.

    Boyle 1655, 113–50; also in Boyle 1999–2000, 1, 1–12. This piece was written circa 1647–48. See Rowbottom 1950.

  19. 19.

    Boyle to John Mallett, 2[3] March 1652, Boyle 2001, 1, 133. For the context of Hartlib’s interests, see Bennett and Mandelbrote 1998, 33–42 and 157–68.

  20. 20.

    Hartlib, Ephemerides, August 1640, HP30/4/53B. Hartlib’s stance matches the spirit of Bacon’s plea, in his Novum organum, for ‘a greater abundance of experiments’ and a ‘store of particulars’ as a foundation for further inquiry. See Bacon 1963, 4, part I, aphorism nos. 100 and 103, 95–96; also in Bacon 2004, 159–61.

  21. 21.

    Hartlib, Ephemerides, January 1640, HP30/4/42A.

  22. 22.

    See Hartlib, Ephemerides, HP30/4/3A: ‘Cartes in his apriori philosophizing’ against ‘the sonder a posterior path of Junguis’.

  23. 23.

    Hartlib to Dury [or Durie], 13 September 1630, HP7/12/1B.

  24. 24.

    See also Webster 1970, 76–77.

  25. 25.

    Hartlib, Ephemerides, 1635, HP29/3/13A.

  26. 26.

    On Bacon’s view of aphorisms, see Clucas 1997.

  27. 27.

    Clucas 1994, 58–63 and Clucas 2009. See Hartlib, Ephemerides, 1639, HP30/4/22A on Acontius; and HP30/4/24B criticizing Comenius; and Hartlib to Boyle, 8 or 9 May 1654, praising Jungius, Boyle 2001, 1, 172–73.

  28. 28.

    Hartlib, Ephemerides, 1640, HP30/4/42B and HP30/4/39A.

  29. 29.

    Hartlib, Ephemerides, 1640, HP30/4/43A.

  30. 30.

    Hartlib, Ephemerides, 1640, part 2, HP 30/4/49B; this echoes aphorism no. 19 in Bacon’s Novum Organum, Bacon 1963, 4, 50; also in Bacon 2004, 71.

  31. 31.

    Hartlib, Ephemerides, 1639, HP30/4/22A.

  32. 32.

    Hartlib, Ephemerides, 1650, HP28/1/53B.

  33. 33.

    Copy in scribal hand of Beale to Hartlib, 2 December 1661, HP67/22/13B.

  34. 34.

    Beale to Boyle, 29 September 1663, Boyle 2001, 2, 134.

  35. 35.

    See Bacon’s De Augmentis, Bacon 1963, 4, 290: ‘… the true remedy is not to destroy the old books, but to make more good ones’.

  36. 36.

    Hartlib, Ephemerides, 1639, HP30/4/22B.

  37. 37.

    For the application of this approach to information of various kinds, and the function of Hartlib’s ‘Office of Publike Addresse’, see Hartlib 1647. See Yeo 2007, 11–17 for collective commonplacing.

  38. 38.

    Hartlib, Ephemerides, 1639, part 1, HP30/4/4B. See also Hartlib, ‘Notes on Preaching, from Perkins, in Hartlib’s hand’, April–August 1655, HP27/8/12B: ‘Artificial Memorie is not to bee used at all. Because it is vaine or impious, in the inventing of Images, and also it is burdensome in the threefold apprehension of places, images and the thing to bee apprehended of, and so it dulleth wit and memorie’.

  39. 39.

    See Sorabji 1972, 52–60. For the relationship between memory and recollection in medieval thought, see Carruthers 1990, 61–64 and passim; and Lewis 2009b for Bacon’s position.

  40. 40.

    Hartlib, undated, ‘Tract on Logic in Hartlib’s hand’, HP24/6/12A.

  41. 41.

    Hartlib 1654, 33. Hartlib agreed with Bacon’s stress on the ‘exercise’ of the intellectual powers as crucial for improving memory. See Bacon 1657, 226 and 229–31; also in Bacon 1963, vol. 7 95–103, at 97.

  42. 42.

    Pell’s Idea was printed as a folio broadsheet in 1638. See Wallis 1967, 141–45. The English version appeared as an addition to Dury [or Durie] 1650 and again in the second edition of 1651. I cite from the former. Robert Hooke published the Latin version, together with comments from Marin Mersenne and René Descartes, in the Philosophical collections; see Pell 1681/1682.

  43. 43.

    Petty 1647, 5.

  44. 44.

    Pell 1650, 45. On Pell, see Malcolm 2005, 65–76 for the ‘Idea’ and its distribution via intermediaries.

  45. 45.

    For a highpoint of the typical Renaissance desire to reduce knowledge in books to common topics, see Nelles 2009 on Conrad Gessner’s Pandectarum sive partitionum universalium (1548–1549).

  46. 46.

    Hartlib, Ephemerides, 1639, part 3, HP30/4/25B.

  47. 47.

    Hartlib, Ephemerides, 1640, part 2, HP30/4/45B; and part 3, HP30/4/53B.

  48. 48.

    Pell 1650, 45 and 40.

  49. 49.

    Ibid., 44–5. Beale used these words in his writings about the art of memory copied by Pell in 1663. See BL Add MS 4384, fols 64–117; dated ‘June xi.1663’, at fol. 64r: ‘And in pursuance of Mr Pell’s Idea of Mathematics, viz: That men may consider what meanes may be used to fortify the imagination, to prompt the Memory, or regulate our Reason, and what effects may be produced by the uniting of these meanes, and the constant exercise of them.’

  50. 50.

    Only about half of Boyle’s writings concern natural philosophy or natural history. See Hunter 1995; reprinted in Hunter 2000, chapter 2.

  51. 51.

    Boyle 1991. The title ‘Doctrine of Thinking’ is supplied by Harwood in Boyle 1991, 185, n. 1 for the RS, MS 197, fols 4–43. See also Principe 1995a, 63–64.

  52. 52.

    Hunter 1994, Sixteen.

  53. 53.

    See Principe 1995b, 379; and Principe 1994.

  54. 54.

    For Boyle’s sense of his ‘Ethics’ (that is, his ‘Aretology’ begun in 1645) as part of his studies, see Boyle to Isaac Marcombes, 22 October 1646, Boyle 2001, 1, 37. Marcombes was his tutor during his time in Geneva from 1639. Boyle returned to England in 1644.

  55. 55.

    See ‘Another Advertisement’ in Seraphic Love (1659), Boyle 1999–2000, 1, 60 for the explanation by a friend that Boyle had not dropped his scientific work, but would continue to publish ‘those Experimentall Essay’s and other Physiologicall Writings, which he is known to have, lying by him’.

  56. 56.

    Boyle, ‘A Discourse touching Occasional Meditations’, in Boyle 1665, 1–80, at 4; also in Boyle 1999–2000, 5, 22.

  57. 57.

    Boyle, ‘An account of Philaretus during his Minority’, in Maddison 1969, 2–45, at 15; also in Boyle 1772, 1, xii–xxvi; and in Hunter 1994, 1–22. Boyle’s amanuensis, Robin Bacon, said he had a good memory. See BL Add MSS 4229, fol. 66, cited in Boyle 1991, 194, n. 21. But compare Boyle to Hartlib, 8 April 1647 in Boyle 2001, 1, 56: ‘the treacherousness of my memory’.

  58. 58.

    Maddison 1969, 11 citing a letter of [December] 1635.

  59. 59.

    Boyle, ‘The Dayly Reflection’, BP 7, fols 269–87, printed in Boyle 1991, 203–35, at 232–33. I use this edition, edited by John T. Harwood, for all subsequent page references.

  60. 60.

    Boyle, ‘The Doctrine of Thinking’, Boyle 1991, 194.

  61. 61.

    Ibid., 195–201, at 200–01.

  62. 62.

    Boyle, ‘The Dayly Reflection’, Boyle 1991, 222.

  63. 63.

    Ibid., 208.

  64. 64.

    Ibid., 207.

  65. 65.

    Ibid., 208.

  66. 66.

    Boyle 1665, 29 and 30–1.

  67. 67.

    Boyle to Hartlib, 8 May 1647, Boyle 2001, 1, 59. See also de Montaigne 1987, 1263 and 1225, who professes to enjoy all things ‘twice as much as others’, and reports Socrates’ view that if a man lived long enough and experienced many illnesses he would not need the art of medicine.

  68. 68.

    Boyle 1665, 41; Boyle 1999–2000, 5, 37.

  69. 69.

    Boyle 1665, ‘An introductory Preface’, sig. b2r; also in Boyle 1999–2000, 5, 19; cited in Harwood, ‘Introduction’, in Boyle 1991, lxiv.

  70. 70.

    Boyle 1665, 15; also in Boyle 1999–2000, 5, 26.

  71. 71.

    Boyle 1665, 25.

  72. 72.

    Boyle, ‘Of the Study of the Book of Nature, For the first Section of my Treatise of Occasional Reflections ’, 1650s, BP 8, fols 123–39, at fol. 137r in Boyle 1999–2000, 13, 168; and editors’ comments, vol. 1, xxxi. See Boyle to Lady Katherine Ranelagh, 31 August 1649, Boyle 2001, 1, 82–83 for mention of this work; and Principe 1995b, 393 on the continuity here between Boyle’s moral and scientific attitudes.

  73. 73.

    Boyle 1665, sig. b2r; in Boyle 1999–2000, 5, 19.

  74. 74.

    Boyle, ‘Doctrine of Thinking’, in Boyle 1991, 198–99.

  75. 75.

    Compare Petrarch’s account of a friend’s amazing power of recollection, apparently achieved by ‘personalizing bits of information’; Carruthers 1990, 61.

  76. 76.

    Annas 1992, 307–10 especially 308. Boyle accepted the standard view that memory was a ‘corporeal faculty’, and therefore wondered how ‘a multitude of various things’ can be stored and found again. See Boyle, Christian Virtuoso. The Second Part, in Boyle 1999–2000, 12, 463. With many of his contemporaries, Boyle did not believe that there was a satisfactory account of the relationship between classical mnemonic practices and contemporary views of the physical workings of memory.

  77. 77.

    Lewalski 1979, especially 151–52 and 161–62. See also Fisch 1953.

  78. 78.

    Petty to Boyle, 15 April 1653, Boyle 2001, 1, 142. For the link between melancholy and excessive study, see Shapin 1994, 153–56.

  79. 79.

    Petty to Boyle, 15 April 1653, Boyle 2001, 1, 142–43.

  80. 80.

    Harwood, ‘Introduction’, in Boyle 1991, xli.

  81. 81.

    For Boyle’s use of Heads, see Hunter 2007a.

  82. 82.

    Hartlib to Boyle, 27 April 1658, Boyle 2001, 1, 268. Maddison 1969, 14 (in notes) says Beale ‘was a near contemporary’ of Boyle at Eton, ‘though a trifle earlier’. This is understated, since Beale enrolled at Eton in 1622 and Boyle did not do so until October 1635. Beale was twenty years older than Boyle. For Boyle’s possible reference to Beale as ‘a particular friend, (a great virtuoso of the Royall Society)’, see Hunter 2000, 230, n. 27 citing RS, MS 187, fols 32v–34 reprinted in Boyle 1999–2000, 11, lxvii.

  83. 83.

    Beale to Hartlib, undated, HP25/6/1A and 4B; but some of these words also appear (crossed through) in a fragment dated 18 March 1656, HP52/4A.

  84. 84.

    Beale to Boyle, 25 February 1663, Boyle 2001, 2, 62–68, especially 66; and Beale to Boyle, 28 September 1663, ibid., 127.

  85. 85.

    Beale to Boyle, 29 September 1663, ibid., 128–42, at 129–30.

  86. 86.

    See the editors’ ‘Introduction’ to Boyle 2001, 1, xii.

  87. 87.

    Of course there were other topics, including religious ones. See Wojcik 1997, 22–23.

  88. 88.

    Beale to Boyle, 29 September 1663, Boyle 2001, 2, 128–42.

  89. 89.

    Ibid., 132, 135.

  90. 90.

    Beale had discussed the art of memory and the prospect of ‘an Universall character’ with Hartlib on 9 January 1658, HP31/1/61A–63A, at 61B; he had circulated comments on Caleb Morley’s memory treatise on 23 December 1656, HP31/1/7A–8B and 2 December 1661, HP67/22/13A–14B. See also Lewis 2005.

  91. 91.

    Copy in scribal hand of Beale to Hartlib, 4 October 1661, HP67/22/11B; see also the version copied by John Pell, titled ‘The Mnemonicall Probleme’, BL Add MS 4384, fols 64–117 (dated ‘June xi.1663’) at fol. 64r.

  92. 92.

    Copy in scribal hand of Beale to Hartlib, 4 October 1661, HP67/22/12A; another copy at HP71/6/1A–2B. See also BL Add MS 4384, fols 64–117, at fol. 64r.

  93. 93.

    Beale to Boyle, 29 September 1663, Boyle 2001, 2, 141. A similar confidence underlay Beale’s belief that an artificial language of the kind proposed by John Wilkins could be quickly learnt, that ‘the reall Character may be easily taught in few dayes’ (Beale to Boyle, 23 June 1682, Boyle 2001, 5, 301). For a detailed account of Beale’s views, see Lewis 2005; and more generally, Lewis 2007, especially chapter 5.

  94. 94.

    Beale to Boyle, 25 February1665, Boyle 2001, 2, 69.

  95. 95.

    This point is developed in ‘Notes upon Mr Hartlib’s Accompt of Mr Morleys Art of Memory’, BL Add MS 4384, fol. 65r.

  96. 96.

    Beale to Boyle, 25 February 1663, Boyle 2001, 2, 69–70. See Oldenburg 1965–1986, 1, 320–21 for the editors’ bad opinion of Beale: ‘He suffered from total recall and confident reliance upon an unreliable memory’.

  97. 97.

    Beale to Boyle, 29 September 1663, Boyle 2001, 2, 132.

  98. 98.

    Beale to Boyle, 2 October 1663, ibid., 145.

  99. 99.

    Beale to Boyle, 25 February 1663, ibid., 70. In a subsequent letter Beale himself added pointing-hand signs (manicules) in the margins; see 10 August 1666, Boyle 2001, 3, 198–200. For discussion of the manicule, see Sherman 2008, 29–40. See also Carruthers 1990, 107–09 on ‘notae’.

  100. 100.

    Beale to Boyle, 13 July 1666, Boyle 2001, 3, 187.

  101. 101.

    Beale to Boyle, 10 August 1666, ibid., 200. The editors of Boyle’s Works note that after the peak of his publications in 1666 (that is, after his correspondence with Beale) he changed to books resembling ‘short essays’ (Boyle 1999–2000, 1, xxxvii). I cannot say whether this indicates Beale’s influence.

  102. 102.

    Beale to Boyle, 18 April 1666, Boyle 2001, 3, 139–40. Boyle’s workdiary entitled ‘Promiscuous Experiments, Observations, and Notes’ (no. 21 in BP 27, 5–159) dates from the ‘late 1660s’, according to Hunter 2007b, 414. Boyle made entries in these workdiaries in sets of 100, thus ‘centuries’. Beale had earlier alluded to the ‘Sylva of promiscuous Experiments, Upon which you may discharge such of your papers & informations’. Beale to Boyle, 28 September 1663, in Boyle 2001, 2, 127.

  103. 103.

    Beale to Boyle, 10 August 1666, Boyle 2001, 3, 208.

  104. 104.

    Beale to Boyle, 10 August 1666, ibid., 205; italics in original. Beale made similar points in a letter to an unidentified recipient of 2 December 1661, HP67/22/13A–14B.

  105. 105.

    Beale to Boyle, 13 July 1666, Boyle 2001, 3, 187–88. For Boyle’s own remark on ‘how vast a Disparity there is betwixt experimentall & notionall Learning’, see Boyle to John Evelyn, 23 May 1657, Boyle 2001, 1, 214.

  106. 106.

    Beale to Boyle, 10 August 1666, Boyle 2001, 3, 198–210, at 198. Here Beale muted Boyle’s resistance to systems. Compare note 11 above.

  107. 107.

    Beale to Boyle, 10 August 1666, ibid., 200. See also editors’ comments in Boyle, 1999–2000, 1, lxxxiv.

  108. 108.

    Cyprian Kinner to Hartlib, 27 June 1647, HP1/33/12A–14B, at 13A–B; this is an English translation by W. J. Hitchens of the Latin original; also cited in DeMott 1957, 7. See DeMott 1957 and Lewis 2007, 55–56 for the connection with artificial languages.

  109. 109.

    Beale to Boyle, 11 October 1665, Boyle 2001, 2, 554. For an earlier reference to Jungius in this connection, see Hartlib to Boyle, 8 or 9 May 1654, Boyle 2001, 1, 172–73.

  110. 110.

    Beale to Boyle, 28 April 1666, Boyle 2001, 3, 159; see also 18 April 1666, 138 for ‘Cribo divino’.

  111. 111.

    Beale to Boyle, ibid., 192.

  112. 112.

    On this conviction in Bacon, see Zagorin 1998, 104–105; Gaukroger 2001, 138–48.

  113. 113.

    This assumption fits with the Puritan millenarian expectation, shared by Hartlib’s circle, that a quick installation of recovered prelapsarian knowledge could be achieved. See Webster 1975; Harrison 2007, chapter 5.

  114. 114.

    My emphasis. Hartlib copied this to John Worthington, 26 August 1661; printed in Worthington 1847–1886, 1, 365–76, at 369; original letter in BL Add MS 32498; a copy in Add MS 6271, fols 12r–13v, at fol. 13r.

  115. 115.

    For Hooke’s paper, see RS, Classified Papers, vol. 20, no. 50a, fols 99–109; Boyle 1666; Boyle to Oldenburg, 13 June 1666, Boyle 2001, 3, 170–75; and the recent edition of this letter and associated manuscripts in Hunter and Anstey 2008.

  116. 116.

    Oldenburg to Boyle, 27 January 1666 in Boyle 2001, 3, 46. He was probably referring to Hooke’s ‘General Scheme’, composed about this time.

  117. 117.

    Hooke 1705, 6–7 and 64. See Yeo 2007, 26–31.

  118. 118.

    Boyle, BP 9, fols 72–3; see transcription in Hunter and Anstey 2008, p.7.

  119. 119.

    Lewis 2009a, 355–58.

  120. 120.

    Boyle, RS, MS 198, circa 1680, fol. 104r.

  121. 121.

    Boyle, RS, MS 189, 1689–90, fols 27v–28r.

  122. 122.

    In contrast, Beale thought notebooks weakened the memory; see Yeo 2007, 1–2. For Boyle’s management of his papers and notes, see Knight 2003; Hunter 2007b; and Yeo 2010.

Abbreviations

HP:

Samuel Hartlib Papers, Sheffield University

BL:

British Library

BP:

Robert Boyle Papers, Royal Society of London

RS:

Royal Society papers

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Yeo, R. (2010). Memory and Empirical Information: Samuel Hartlib, John Beale and Robert Boyle. In: Wolfe, C.T., Gal, O. (eds) The Body as Object and Instrument of Knowledge. Studies in History and Philosophy of Science, vol 25. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-90-481-3686-5_10

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