Abstract
Embedded in the description of the Therapeutae’s meal in his treatise On the Contemplative Life, Philo deals with their all-night festival (pannychis) every seventh week, which is the focus of his characterization of the Therapeutae. Although there is an ongoing debate over the question whether Philo is describing a real group or whether he is dreaming up a fictional ideal,1 there can be no doubt that his description is highly idealized: the group living at Lake Mareotis, which is in the vicinity of Alexandria, is the elite of all Therapeutae (22).2 Interestingly, Philo defines the religious identity of “these philosophers” (§ 2) with little mention of their beliefs or teachings: he only describes their ritual practice—putting it in contrast to the meals of others, thus drawing a “picture of thinkers without their thoughts.”3
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Notes
Troels Engberg-Pedersen, “Philo’s De Vita Contemplativa as a Philosopher’s Dream” JSJ 30 (1999): 40–64;
M. A. Beavis, “Philo’s Therapeutai: Philosopher’s Dream or Utopian Construction?” JSPE 14 (2004): 30, 42;
D. M. Hay, “Things Philo Said and Did Not Say about the Therapeutae,” SBL.SP 31 (1992): 673–683.
R. Bergmeier, Die Essener-Berichte des Flavius Josephus, Quellenstudien Zuden Essenertexten Im Werk Des Jüdischen Historiographen (Kampen: Kok Pharo, 1993), 42ff;
H. Szesnat, “‘Mostly Aged Virgins’: Philo and the Presence of the Therapeutrides at Lake Mareotis,” Neotestamentica 32 (1998): 191–201.
Hay, Things Philo Said (n. 1); 673 n. 1; M. Ebner, “Mahl und Gruppenidentität: Philos Schrift De Vita Contemplativa als Paradigma,” in Herrenmahl und Gruppenidentität (QD 221), ed. M. Ebner, 64–90 (Freiburg-Basel-Wien: Herder, 2007). For the contrasting meal practices cf.
Hay, “Foils for the Therapeutae”. References to Other Texts and Persons in Philo’s ‘De Vita Contemplativa,’ in Neotestamentica et Philonica (FS P. Borgen) (NT.S 106), ed. D. E. Aune, 330–348 (Leiden: Brill, 2003).
They have gained the “love of God” (theou philia) and thus risen up to the “highest felicity” (akrotes eudaimonia). For the philological and philosophical problems in this paragraph and their convincing solution, cf. D. T. Runia, “The Reward for Goodness: Philo, De Vita Contemplativa 90,” The Studia Philonica Annual 9 (1997): 3–18.
Xenophon, Symp. 2.2: theamata kai akroamata hedista. “Akroamata” is the technical term for sympotic entertainment; cf. Matthias Klinghardt, Gemeinschaftsmahl und Mahlgemeinschaft: Soziologie und Liturgie frühchristlicher Mahlfeiern. Texte und Arbeiten zum neutestamentlichen Zeitalter 13. (Tübingen: Francke Verlag, 1996), 118–125.
V. Wohl, “Dirty Dancing: Xenophon’s Symposium,” in Music and the Muses: The Culture of Mousikē in the Classical Athenian City, ed. P. Murray and P. Wilson, 337–363 (Oxford: Oxford University, 2004).
For the most important descriptions cf. Lucian’s De saltationibus; Athenaeus, Deipn. 1 (20d–22e); Pollux, Onomast. 4.95–105. Modern research includes: K. Latte, De saltationibus Graecorum capita quinque (RGVV 13/3) (Gießen: Töpelmann, 1913);
F. Weege, Der Tanz in der Antike (Halle: Niemeyer, 1926) (repr. Hildesheim: Olms, 1967);
R. Toelle-Kastenbein, Frühgriechische Reigentänze (Waldsassen: Stiftland, 1964);
T. B. L. Webster, The Greek Chorus (London: Methuen, 1970).
H. D. Kitto, “The Dance in Greek Tragedy,” JHS 75 (1955): 36–41;
L. B. Lawler, The Dance of the Ancient Greek Theatre (Iowa City: Iowa University Press, 1964).
Cf. Od. 8.370ff. For the agonistic character of such dances, cf. the famous Dipylon oinochoe (eighth century, Athens, Nat. Mus. Inv. 192) with the supposedly oldest Greek vase inscription: “He who among all the dancers performs most gracefully (shall receive this vase).” A millennium later, Athenaeus still mentions the most famous dancers’ names. Cf. B. Powell, “The Dipylon Oinochoe Inscription and the Spread of Literacy in 8th Century Athens,” Kadmos 27 (1988): 65–86.
The acroamatic songs, the skolia, are performed individually as entertainment for the banqueters, whereas the paean, the hymn accompanying the libation ceremony, is performed by the group as a whole: it is sung in unison. Both modalities of singing are attested for the Therapeutae: in addition to their choral dancesong, Philo mentions that after the president, the others take their turn as they are arranged (katatatzeis) in singing solisti-cally, while the rest of them listen in silence (§ 80) (cf. 1Cor 14.26; Tertullian, Apol. 39.18). Their choral performance (§ 83–88) is clearly distinguished from these monodic songs and ritually separated from them by the frugal meal of foodstuff typical of the dessert (§ 81–82).The similarity between the Therapeutic choral dance and the paean hints to another typical element: choral dancing and choral singing can hardly be distinguished. In antiquity, the unison recitation of poetic texts in a group does not allow for the distinction of speaking, rap-like “sprechgesang,” and singing. More important is the fact that this kind of choral recitation was not possible without a dance-like movement: The verb χoρεύειυ, describing the activity of a chorus (choros), designates the choral singing as well as the choral dancing (Cf. B. Kowalzig, “Changing Choral Worlds: Song-Dance and Society in Athens and Beyond,” in Music and the Muses: The Culture of Mousike in the Classical Athenian City, ed. P. Murray and P. Wilson, 39–65 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004);
F. G. Naerebout, “Moving Events: Dance at Public Events in the Ancient Greek World; Thinking through its Implications,” in Ritual and Communication in the Greco-Roman World, ed. E. Stavrianopoulou. Kernos Suppl. 16, 37–67 (Liége: CIERGA, 2006). This means: Wherever singing or the recitation of a text by a chorus is mentioned, dancing must be envisioned along with it—and vice versa. Not surprisingly, there even exists the expression “to sing … the dance” (Cf. the minutes of a Delphic association of Technitai: FD III/2, n. 48, l. 21–22). Similarly, see Theognis 777ff; Plutarch, De EI, 389b etc.). This connection of choral singing and dancing is often attested by ancient sources. Two typical examples from Rome include the collegium Saliorum, who performed a characteristic dance with song or song with dance. Although their dancing was so characteristic for the Salii that they gained their name from it (Cf. Cicero, Orat. 3.197; Horace, Ep. 2.1.86 etc. Of particular interest is Livy 1.20.4), a number of witnesses mention their singing alone. Another example is the collegium fratrum Arvalium from the imperial period.
Cf. the “pneumatic psalms, hymns, and odes” in Col 3.16 and Eph 5.19. For the interpretation cf. M. Hengel, “Das Christuslied im frühesten Gottesdienst,” in Weisheit Gottes—Weisheit der Welt II, 357–404 (St. Ottilien: EOS, 1987); Klinghardt (n. 10), 349–351.
Plato, Symp. 193d: poiesai ekek dusin. Here, it is the eros that achieves this unification of the sexes. For the Christian reception of this idea cf. 2Clem 12.2(-6); Gos. Phil. (NHC II/3, p. 70,9ff). Clem. Alex., Strom. 3.13.92–3; Gos. Thom. 22; 106 etc. For further references see: W. A. Meeks, “The Image of the Androgyne: Some Uses of a Symbol in Early Christianity,” History of Religions 13 (1974): 165–208; cf. also
M. Bouttier, “Complexio Oppositorum: Sur les Formules de I Cor. xii. 13; Gal. iii. 26–28, Col. iii. 10, 11,” NTS 23 (1976/77):1–19.
First “Moses and the sons of Israel” sing an ode for God (Ex 15.1 LXX), then they are joined by the prophetess Miriam, and “all the women went out after her with timbrels and with dances” (15.20). In Rabbinic literature, the Red Sea chorus serves as the example for collective inspiration par excellence: Cf. M. Sota 5.4; pSota 5.6 (20c); Mekhilta R. Jishmael 2.6 (115 Horovitz-Rabin); Mekhilta R. Shimon Ex 14.31 (70 Epstein-Melamed) etc. See also E. Grözinger, Musik und Gesang in der Theologie der frühen jüdischen Literatur, Talmud — Midrasch — Mystik (TSAJ 3) (Tübingen: Mohr-Siebeck, 1982), 99–107;
P. Schäfer, Die Vorstellung vom Heiligen Geist in der rabbinischen Literatur (StANT 28) (München: Kösel, 1972), 66.
Only a few examples from Hellenistic and Roman imperial times shall demonstrate the tradition: In Theocritus, Id. 1.92, the Muses’ song causes the poet’s wish to join the virgins’ dance (ŏτι oύ μετὰ ταῐσι χoρεύεις). Propertius, El. 3.5.20: The poet’s joining the Muses’ round dance (musarumque choris implicuisse manus) granted him a life-long “musical” existence, which included philosophy; cf. M. Klinghardt, “Tanz ins Glück. Religionsgeschichtliches zum Musen- und Charitenreigen,” in Noctes Sinenses, ed. A. Heil and J. Sauer (Heidelberg: Winter, 2011). Cf. also Virgil, Ecl. 10.54: The poet’s dancing with the Nymphs on the Arcadian Maenala mountains (interea mixtis lus-trabo Maenala Nymphis) corresponds with his invoking of the Muse Arethusa in the beginning (10.1: extremum tunc, Arethusa, mihi concede labor em) as the means of poetic inspiration.
The Muses’ flirting and laughing with Archilochos is a typical and important element. This becomes most evident in an early Christian analogy, the so-called Arcadia vision in the Shepherd of Hermas. In this second century CE apocalyptic writing, the Shepherd, a divine figure, appears to the narrator Hermas and grants him revelations. Text and translation: U. H. J. Körtner/M. Leutzsch. Schriften des Urchristentums III (Darmstadt: Wissensch. Buchgesellschaft, 1984), 107–359. Cf. the commentary by N. Brox, Der Hirt des Hermas (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1991). All references relate to the last part of the book containing the “similitudines” (sim. 9).
For the text of the inscription (four columns on two slabs), cf. W. Peek, “Neues von Archilochos,” Philologus 99 (1955): 4–50.
Did. 10.6b, cf. 9.5. Since H. Lietzmann, Messe und Herrenmahl, (AKG 8) (Berlin: de Gruyter, 1955), 229, the maranatha-formula was understood as part of the dialogue between liturgist and community as we have it in numerous later liturgies. This understanding, however, would require extensive changes of the transmitted text. I have argued that the maranatha is rather meant as a threat in order to warn against unworthy communion, cf. Klinghardt (n. 10), 402–405.
Klinghardt (n. 10), 460–464. Cf. also M. Klinghardt, “Tanz und Offenbarung: Praxis und Theologie des gottesdienstlichen Tanzes im frühen Christentum,” Spes Christiana 15–16, (2004–2005), 9–35: 27–28.
For references cf. H. Lewy, Sobria Ebrietas: Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der antiken Mystik, (BZNW 9) (Gießen: Töpelmann, 1929), 1–34.
Cf. C. Bell, Ritual Theory, Ritual Practice (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992), 94–117.
J. Z. Smith, To Take Place: Toward a Theory in Ritual (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1987), 109, contended that “ritual is, above all, an assertion of difference.”
Cf. Claude Lévi-Strauss, The Naked Man: Introduction to a Science of Mythology, vol. 4 (New York: Harper and Row, 1981), 660–679.
Cf. O. Taplin, “Spreading the Word through Performance,” in Performance Culture and Athenian Democracy, ed. S. Goldhill and R. Osborne, 33–57 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999).
H. Heine, Historisch-kritische Gesamtausgabe 4. Atta Troll (Hamburg: Hoffmann & Campe, 1985), 28: “Also vor der Bundeslade / Tanzte weiland König David; / Tanzen war ein Gottesdienst, / War ein Beten mit den Beinen.”
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Klinghardt, M. (2014). The Ritual Dynamics of Inspiration: The Therapeutae’s Dance. In: Marks, S., Taussig, H. (eds) Meals in Early Judaism. Palgrave Macmillan, New York. https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137363794_9
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