Abstract
The main purpose of China’s foreign aid and foreign investments was, and is, to help Chinese leaders realize foreign policy objectives. Hence, taking cognizance of and assessing China’s external goals, complex as they are, makes its aid and investments more comprehensible.
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Notes
See A. Doak Barnett, The Making of Foreign Policy in China: Structure and Process (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1985) p.77 for information that puts this body in the context of the policy-making bureaucracy. Dumbaugh and Martin suggest that leading small groups “facilitate consensus building and coordination.” They are mentioned in the Party’s constitution. See Dumbaugh and Martin, “Understanding China’s Political System,” p. 11. Also see Linda Jakobson and Dean Knox, “New Foreign Policy Actors in China,” Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, September 2010.
See Lu Ning, “The Central Leadership, Supraministry Coordinating Bodies, State Council Ministries, and Party Departments,” in David M. Lampton (ed.), The Making of Chinese Foreign and Security Policy in the Era of Reform (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2001), p. 45.
Carol Lancaster, “Foreign Aid in the Twenty-First Century: What Purposes?” in Louis A. Picard, Robert Groelsema, and Terry F. Buss (eds.), Foreign Aid and Foreign Policy: Lessons for the Next Half-Century (Armonk, NY: M. E. Sharpe, 2008), p. 47. Also see Jakobson and Knox, “New Foreign Policy Actors in China,” p. 10. The Ministry of Commerce, or more accurately its predecessors, and their counselor offices around the world worked closely with recipient countries and acquired considerable experience and expertise in giving aid. As China’s economy was decentralized under Deng Xiaoping, it lost some of its authority over aid giving. This was restored to some degree when China’s economy was subsequently recentralized. See Shuaihua Cheng, Ting Fang Hui-Ting Lien, “China’s International Aid Policy and Its Implications for Global Governance,” Working Paper (Research Center for Chinese Politics and Business Indiana University), June 2012. pp 5–6
Chris Alden, China in Africa (London: Zed Books, 2007), p. 24.
Deborah Brautigam, “China’s Foreign Aid in Africa: What Do We Know?” in Rotberg (ed.), China into Africa: Trade, Aid, and Influence (Washington, DC: Brookings Institution, 2008), p. 201.
Barry Naughton, The Chinese Economy: Transitions and Growth (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2007), p. 457.
See Catherine Chong Siew Keng, “An Update on China’s Sovereign Wealth Fund: China Investment Corporation,” in Wang and Zheng (eds.), China: Development and Governance, pp. 201. Alternative investments grew from 6 percent in 2009 to 21 percent in 2010.
This began with the Opium War, which many see as marking the beginning of a 100-year period of China’s humiliation, which included embarrassment caused by Western countries and Japan taking advantage of China. One writer comments that the pre-Communist history of modern China was “essentially one of weakness, humiliation and failure.” See Harold C. Hinton, Communist China in World Politics (Boston, MA: Houghton Mifflin, 1966), p. 6.
One scholar notes that communism to Mao was “vengeance against the past and the West.” See Joseph Levenson, Revolution and Cosmopolitanism: The Western Stage and the Chinese Stages (Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 1971), p. 54.
Greg O’Leary, The Shaping of Chinese Foreign Policy (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1980), p. 17.
Harold C. Hinton, China’s Turbulent Quest (New York: Macmillan, 1970), p. 31.
John W. Garver, Foreign Relations of the People’s Republic of China (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall, 1993), pp. 41–42. Also see Hinton, China’sTurbulent Quest, p. 38.
Andrew J. Nathan and Andrew Scobell, China’s Search for Security (New York: Columbia University Press, 2012), pp. 70–71.
Mao said: “Internationally we belong to the anti-imperialist front, headed by the Soviet Union.” He further stated that we “can only look for genuine and friendly aid from that front and not from the imperialist front.” See Mao Tsetung, On People’s Democratic Dictatorship (Peking: English Language Service of the New China News Agency, 1949), p. 9. Mao made his “lean to one side” comment in this same publication.
The Chinese Communist Party, as seen in early documents and manifestos, had long taken the view that due to imperialism China was “still dominated by a feudal system of militarists and bureaucrats” and that “until the Chinese proletariat is able to seize power” this would not change. See Benjamin Schwartz, Chinese Communism and the Rise of Mao (New York: Harper and Row, 1951), p. 39.
See Michael B. Yahuda, China’s Role in World Affairs (London: Croom Helm, 1979), p. 40.
The dispute also had global ramifications. Some writers, in fact, see it as the most important factor in international politics for two decades or more. See G. W. Choudhury, China in World Affairs: The Foreign Policy of the PRC Since 1970, (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1982), p. 126.
See Steven Goldstein, “Nationalism and Internationalism: Sino-Soviet Relations,” in Thomas Robinson and David Shambaugh (eds.), Chinese Foreign Policy: Theory and Practice (Oxford, NY: Clarendon Press, 1994), pp. 224–265.
See A. Doak Barnett, China and the Major Powers in East Asia (Washington, DC: Brookings, 1977), p. 52.
One writer states: “The Chinese leadership must have chosen to buy increasing self-reliance and freedom of action in foreign affairs at the price of economic development at home.” See Alexander Eckstein, Communist China’s Economic Growth and Foreign Trade (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1956), cited in Schurmann and Schell, Communist China, p. 418.
Alan Hutchison, China’s African Revolution (London: 1975), p. 206.
Also see Bruce Larkin, “Chinese Aid in Political Context: 1971–73,” in Warren Weinstein (ed.), Chinese and Soviet Aid to Africa (New York: Praeger, 1975), p. 238.
C. G. Jacobsen, Sino-Soviet Relations since Mao: The Chairman’s Legacy (New York: Praeger, 1981), chapter 3.
John F. Faust and Judith F. Kornberg, China in World Politics: Policies, Processes and Prospects (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 2005), p. 111.
It is interesting to note that China even extended a “gift” to Russia (not to mention paying for large quantities of oil and gas) for US$ 400 million for a feasibility study on building a spur to the East Siberian-Pacific Ocean pipeline that would go to China. “CNPC to Issue $400 Mln Grant to Build ESPO Pipeline Branch to China, Interfax, March 22, 2006, cited in Michael R. Chambers, “Framing the Problem: China’s Threat Environment and International Obligations,” in Roy Kamphausen and Andrew Scobell (eds.), Right-Sizing the People’s Liberation Army: Exploring the Contours of China’s Military (Carlisle, PA: U.S. Army War College, 2007), p. 38.
Mao Tse-tung, “Cast Away Illusions, Prepare for Struggle,” in Mao Tse-tung, Selected Works, Volume 4 (Peking: Foreign Languages Press, 1969). Mao at the time declared: “All those wars of aggression, together with political and cultural aggression, have caused Chinese to hate imperialism.”
See John F. Copper and Daniel S. Papp (eds.), Communist Nations’ Military Assistance (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1983), preface.
Lin Piao, “Long Live the Victory of People’s War,” September 3, 1965, from K. Fan (ed.), Mao Tse-tung and Lin Piao: Post Revolutionary Writings (Garden City, NY: Anchor Books, 1972), p.401.
Cited in John Wilson Lewis and Litai Xue, China Builds the Bomb (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1968), p. 238.
Charles A. Kupchan, No One’s World: The West, The Rising Rest, and the Coming Global Turn (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012), chapter 5.
Zhang Weiwei, The China Wave: Rise of a Civilizational State (Hackensack, NJ: World Century, 2011)
Ann Lee, What the U.S. Can Learn from China: An Open-Minded Guide to Treating Our Greatest Competitor as Our Greatest Teacher (San Francisco, CA: Berrett-Koehler, 2012); Eric X Li, “The Life of the Party: The Post-Democratic Future Begins in China,” Foreign Affairs, January/February 2013.
Yong Deng, China’s Struggle for Status: The Realignment of International Relations (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2008), p. 1.
Deng Xiaoping, “Heping Fazhan Shi Dangdai (Shijie De Lingda Wenti,” Peace and Development are the Two Major Issues in the Contemporary World), in Deng Xiaoping Wenxuan, Vol. 3 (Selected Works of Deng Xiaoping) (Beijing: Remin Chubanshe, 1993), p. 105.
David Shambaugh, China Goes Global: The Partial Power (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013), p. 210.
David Lampton, The Three Faces of Chinese Power: Might, Money and Minds (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2008), p.172. This point is discussed at greater length in chapter 7.
Thomas J. Christensen, The China Challenge: Shaping the Choices of a Rising Power (New York: Norton, 2015), p. 18.
M. Taylor Fravel, Strong Borders, Secure Nation: Cooperation and Conflict in China’s Territorial Disputes (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2008), pp. 46–47.
See Michael D. Swaine, America’s Challenge: Engaging a Rising China in the Twenty-First Century (New York: Carnegie Endowment, 2011), p. 210, including the sources he cites in footnote no. 115.
See Jonathan D. Pollack, “China as a Military Power,” in Onkar Marwah and Jonathan D. Pollack (eds.), Military Power and Policy in Asian States: China, India, Japan (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1980), p. 44.
See Robert G. Sutter, Chinese Foreign Relations: Power and Policy Since the Cold War (Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 2008), p. 137. Over the first three decades of its existence the People’s Republic of China deployed its military 11 times beyond its borders. See Allen S. Whiting, “The Use of Force in Foreign Policy by the People’s Republic of China,” The Annals, July 1972, pp. 55–66. Of the three major conflicts after World War II, the Korean War, the Vietnam War, and the Sino-Vietnam War, China was involved in all of them. See Kishore Mahbubani, “America’s Place in the Asian Century,” Current History, May 2008, p. 195.
See, for example, Jenny Clegg, China’s Global Strategy: Towards a Multipolar World (London: Pluto Press, 2009). More relevant to China’s foreign aid, one writer states that China cannot cope with American military power directly and therefore must rely on its “massive economy to counter… balancing efforts against it.” Aaron L. Friedberg, “Bucking China: An Alternative to U.S-China Policy,” Foreign Affairs, September/October 2012, p. 50.
See Mao Tse-tung, “Address to the Preparatory Committee of the New Political Consultative Congress,” and “The Chinese People Have Stood Up,” both in Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung (Peking: Foreign Languages Press, 1977).
Liselotte Odgaard, China and Coexistence: Beijing’s National Security Strategy for the Twenty-First Century (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2012), p. 1.
For details, see Paul H. B. Godwin, “The PLA Faces the Twenty-First Century: Reflections on Technology, Doctrine, Strategy and Operations,” in James R. Lilley and David Shambaugh (eds.), China’s Military Faces the Future (Armonk, NY: M. E. Sharpe, 1999), p. 48.
Carrie Liu Currier and Manochehr Dorraj, “The Strategic Implications of China’s Energy Engagement with the Developing World,” in Carrie Liu Currier and Manochehr Dorraj (eds.), China’s Energy Relations with the Developing World (New York: Continuum, 2011), p. 6.
Bo Kang, An Anatomy of China’s Energy Insecurity and Its Strategies (Richmond, WA: Pacific Northwest Laboratory, December 2005), p. 11, cited in Lampton, p. 245.
William H. Overholt, Asia, America and the Transformation of Geopolitics (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2008), p. 55.
Michael T. Calare, Resource Wars: The New Landscape of Global Conflict (New York: Henry Holt and Company, 2001), p. 112.
Maurice Meisner, The Deng Xiaoping Era: An Inquiry into the Fate of Chinese Socialism, 1975–1994. (New York: Hill and Wang, 1996), p. 208.
Ho-fung Hung, “A Caveat: Is the Rise of China Sustainable,” in Ho-fung Hung (ed.), China and the Transformation of Global Capitalism (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2009), p. 194.
Maria Hsia Chang, The Labors of Sisyphus: The Economic Development of Communist China (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers, 1998), pp. 114–15.
Sarah Y. Tong and John Wong, “China’s Economy,” in Robert E. Gamer (ed.), Understanding Contemporary China (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 2008), pp. 146–47.
Ted C. Fishman, China Inc.: How the Rise of the Next Superpower Challenges America and the World (New York: Scribner, 2005), p. 75. It is worth noting that few unemployed workers had unemployment insurance. According to one source, only 2 percent had either full or partial insurance. See China Human Development Report 2005, p. 42, 65 and 87, cited in Lampton, The Three Faces of Chinese Power, p. 222.
See Elizabeth J. Perry, “Popular Protest: Playing by the Rules,” in Joseph Fewsmith (ed.), China Today, China Tomorrow (New York: Rowman and Littlefield, 2010), p. 27.
George W. Bush, Decision Points (New York: Crown Publishers, 2010), p. 427.
Jianwei Wang, “China’s New Frontier Diplomacy,” in Sujian Guo and JeanMarc F. Blanchard (eds.), “Harmonious World” and China’s New Foreign Policy (Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2008), p. 24. The “go out” policy was established in 1999 by the Chinese government with the help of the China Council for the Promotion of International Trade.
Martin Wolf, Fixing Global Finance (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2010), p. 140.
Harry Harding, “The Uncertain Future of U.S.-China Relations,” in Guoli Liu (ed.), Chinese Foreign Policy in Transition (New York: Aldine De Gruyter, 2004), p. 184.
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© 2016 John F. Copper
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Copper, J.F. (2016). China’s Foreign Policy Goals and Its Foreign Aid and Investment Diplomacy. In: China’s Foreign Aid and Investment Diplomacy, Volume I. Palgrave Macmillan, New York. https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137532732_4
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137532732_4
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