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An Illusion of Order

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Abstract

Synopsis: The idea of natural, self-regulating order is one of the key elements underlying contemporary discourse about economic and social organisation. However, what exactly is meant by this is not altogether clear. Most of the time, when people refer to natural order they imply that if people were left to do that which they naturally are inclined to do, their activities will spontaneously be synchronised in the sense that they will all get that which they have reason to expect out of the system. We call such an order synchronic order as it synchronises the activities of individuals. However, there are two other elements which must be explored for such an order to have any meaning. Firstly, there is the question of whether natural synchronisation works with all sorts of human behaviour or that it only works with a particular type of behaviour. If so, is there a natural process which will equip individuals with the kind of behaviour necessary for such synchronisation to work? Secondly, once activities were synchronised, would individuals be content with the process and the outcomes (that which they have reason to expect) to an extent that they would feel the need neither to change their own behaviour nor to change the system? We call both these elements, which are required to support the synchronising ability of a natural order, ‘diachronic order’. We use this term to tell us whether that which co-ordinates individual behaviour is something which is sustainable over time (broadly conceived). Clearly, if there is a natural process which equips individuals with behaviour that will lead, without any intervention, to a co-ordination of their activities and where agents do not find the system as morally unacceptable, we can clearly declare that there is a natural, self-regulated order. In this chapter, we take a somewhat cursory meta-historic perspective on the evolution of the idea of natural order. We begin our journey in ancient times and find surprising similarities between some Chinese and Christian thinking about the idea of natural order. We argue that in both cases natural order is in the end an ideal and that individuals are required to behave in a manner which may not be natural to them so that natural order can lead to a co-ordinated outcome. As that which dictates how individuals should behave is derived from the ideal (and hence, constitutes a moral decree), such a system can be sustainable only if morality prevails and is unchanging. In such a case, there will be both synchronic and diachronic orders, but we must note that human nature is not part of the natural order itself. The Enlightenment in Europe changed all that as it brought to the fore the search for endogenous explanations such that were produced for the world of physics. In the social sciences, this amounts to an effort to emulate the notion of equilibrium in Newtonian Mechanics in the analysis of social interactions. However, now both human actions and the formation of morality become endogenous, which means that for a natural order to become both synchronic and diachronic, we must find a process that not only co-ordinates actions but also produces moral norms that support it. The difficulties are exposed at the outset when we begin by identifying Mandeville’s famous paradox which juxtaposed the necessary conditions for an order to produce plenty with moral principles which are perceived to be natural too. We claim that classical economics responded to this dilemma by creating a system which closely connects the emergence of ethical ideas with the working of the system of natural liberty. This endogenisation of ethics—which I believe to be a logical imperative embedded in the idea of social natural order—allowed thinkers like Adam Smith to conclude that for all the wrong reasons, the system of natural liberty could work and temporarily appear as morally acceptable. However, in the long run, namely diachronically, such an arrangement is not sustainable as it will offend the foundation of our moral reasoning: our conscience. Modern economics chose a different route altogether. It simply chose to divorce itself from ethics. By claiming the economics is ethically neutral, it suggests that the idea of natural liberty in the sphere of economic activities is compatible with all possible social values or ethical principles. This very appealing idea led to the dominance of the modern economic paradigm which culminated in the spread of globalisation. However, even modern economics recognises that the conditions for the natural order to deliver a synchronised outcome, which is also ethically neutral, are not formed naturally. Therefore, the relentless pursuit of competitive decentralisation within economies and globally is more akin to a desire to implement an ideal rather than a plea to allow nature to take its course.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Even though Krugman (2009b) laments the shifts in US politics towards neo-conservatism, even at its most compassionate form, the USA has always been totally and utterly committed to the idea of natural non-interventionist order. The New-Deal, it must be remembered, was not a change of Weltanschauung but an attempt to push the economy back to where the natural order can be restored. Equally, in spite of short outbursts of social interest, at the heart of the British system lies the idea of self-regulation and natural liberty.

  2. 2.

    Recall that by globalisation we are referring in particular to the increase in the mobility of factors (capital and labour) rather than free trade in goods and services.

  3. 3.

    The distinction between the Anglo-Saxon world and Continental Europe may not be entirely accidental. In very broad terms one can observe that the intellectual heritage of the former is far more empiricist in nature, while the latter tends more towards the rationalist. Subsequently, the individual plays a much greater role than the collective in the Anglo-Saxon traditions than it does in continental ones.

  4. 4.

    There is, perhaps, no better example for this than the rise of New Labour in the UK. But there have been similar shifts among like-minded parties in other European countries. Though, in more recent times, the prolonged effects of the use of austerity as a means to resolve the problem created by the recent financial crisis have led to a revival in increased public spending, the idea that such monies should be spent according to efficiency and other markets criteria has not been abandoned.

  5. 5.

    Thomas Piketty (2014) makes this call in his Capital in the 21st Century. The problem with such a call is that for a global tax to be levied there has to be a form of global governance. This, alas, is a question which goes well beyond the remit of economic expediency.

  6. 6.

    ‘Natural liberty’, the term more commonly used by classical economists, is perhaps a more accurate description of the idea. It simply means an order where things are left to themselves: where they are free to act naturally. It is important to understand that liberty here has nothing to do with the notion of human freedom. It is simply the idea of non-interfered order. At the same time, it is important to remember that an interfering order may itself be natural.

  7. 7.

    See a discussion of the history of the idea in M. Rothbard (1990) and a more recent exposition of a more modern version of the idea as manifested in the notion of spontaneous order in Bowles (2004).

  8. 8.

    See Chap. 21 in Daodejing (Ivanhoe, Philip J. (2002). The Daodejing of Laozi. New York: Seven Bridges Press).

  9. 9.

    See Chaps. 17 and 66.

  10. 10.

    See Chaps. 65 and 3 respectively.

  11. 11.

    The conundrum here is about the significance of a moral edict in a deterministic world. This problem, within the social sciences, reappeared centuries later in connection with the idea of scientific socialism.

  12. 12.

    The City of God Against the Pagans. Translation by R. W. Dyson. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1998.

  13. 13.

    Paraphrasing on Rousseau’s expectations that sometime one has to ‘force freedom’ on individuals. See, Rousseau, 1762, The Social Contract in (Gourevitch 2004) (1.7.7).

  14. 14.

    We must not forget that the symmetry of the problem does not suggest symmetry of ideas. In Taoism, people have to be one with nature, while in Christianity we have to rise above nature.

  15. 15.

    In Taoism, self-regulation is more evident as there is a constant balance between opposite forces. In Christianity, while in the earthly life there is a constant battle between good and evil, in the Heavenly city there is only harmony, which is by definition a self-regulated system though of a different nature.

  16. 16.

    By synchronic I do not necessarily mean instantaneously or contemporaneously but rather a more ‘socially’ conceived unit of time which is more likely to be spanned over a number of years where agents can act, observe the outcomes of their actions, reflect on them and then either stay as they are or choose to change and act differently.

  17. 17.

    Which we assume to be the atoms of the social system but this is by no means obvious and we will have to refer back to this question later.

  18. 18.

    Notice that I use diachronic here to distinguish this from the ‘dynamic’. To use modern terms to which I will return later, an economic system can be self-regulated in the sense that there exists a vector of prices where all rational wants coincide. There would also be a dynamic aspect to the system which will refer to how the system grows over time. By diachronic I am referring to the real long term when after living for a generation or so in a system which was in equilibrium and growing, we find ourselves in a position where the agents are unhappy about the outcomes of the system and as they change their attitude and behaviour, the synchronic order ceases to hold.

  19. 19.

    An example of this can be seen in what has been happening more recently in economic analysis when scholars have tried to explain why people behave in a way which prevents the emergence of a prisoner’s dilemma in a non-co-operative game. Some (Bowles and Gintis (2011)) suggest that there has been an evolutionary process which taught people to behave in a way that will avert a prisoner’s dilemma and, thus, make the non-co-operative order work for the interest of the agents. The outcome of the game is the synchronic order while the process of learning to collude is the diachronic order. Whether this is a satisfactory story is something which we will discuss in detail in Chap. 7.

  20. 20.

    A process where someone decides that he will make the decision for the group and others agree either because they think that person to be smart or because they are afraid of him is still a spontaneous natural order.

  21. 21.

    In modern discussions, spontaneous order is an alternative to the exogenous nature of laws and regulations as perceived in the Taoist tradition. In fact, it represents an extension of the idea of natural order to the diachronic aspect. By implications, institutions like Feudalism or prolonged dynastic rules are deemed as unnatural in essence and, therefore, not spontaneous. This is a complex issue which we will not explore here but the reader is encouraged to reflect on. In contemporary debates, the idea of spontaneous order is closely connected with the thinking of the Austrian school and, in particular, Hayek.

  22. 22.

    In the Appendix to this chapter, I provide an exposition of this point within the more traditional way in which the idea of spontaneous order has been more recently analysed, that is the framework of evolutionary games.

  23. 23.

    This does not necessarily mean that the elements themselves are individuals or that the analysis should be based on empiricist epistemology.

  24. 24.

    One example of this difficulty can be seen in the distance between the application of the idea of spontaneous social contract in Hobbes and in Locke. The former assumes the atoms of society to be individuals who have particular properties and enter a social contract as a means of escaping the dangers of living alone and at each other’s mercy. The morality that stems from this is very limited indeed and is only encapsulated in the right to rebel against the tyrant if he does not provide the security for which people entered the social contract. At the other end, we have Locke where the agents of society, again the individual, have a Spinozian property in the sense that they enter the social arrangement to allow the divine reflection in them to be fulfilled. Spinoza, which led the way directing human inquiry from universals (like God) to the particular (like individuals), insisted that the move away from the universal (i.e. the divine explanation) can only work if the manifestation of that universal in the particular (individuals) is taken into consideration. There was no such universal in Hobbes but there was one in Locke. The kind of social contract which logically emerges from these two extremes is quite different.

  25. 25.

    Mandeville is not directly concerned with what we may call spontaneous order but his claim is basically synonymous in the sense that he suggests that allowing people to behave as they are naturally inclined without condemning it morally will produce an unintended outcome of a desired social consequence: prosperity.

  26. 26.

    Of course, we assume that the desire for the accumulation of material wealth (to neutralise the moral significance of ‘prosperity’) is indeed widely spread. Had this not been the case, ‘fraud, luxury and pride’ could become—endogenously—moral vices.

  27. 27.

    It is not simple to ascertain Mandeville’s real intention, who in addition to the Fable also wrote An Enquiry into the Origins of Moral Virtues. His position between the Deists—who saw no contradiction between experience, reason and God—and the Sceptics of his time has not been well established. See for instance, H. Munro. (1975). The Ambivalence of Bernard Mandeville. Oxford: Clarendon Press as well as the introductory comments on Mandeville’s thought by F B Kaye in the Liberty Classic edition.

  28. 28.

    It is interesting to note here that much later Weber seemed to connect Protestant ethics with the emergence of the capitalist system. On the face of it this seems to be an opposite position to the one taken by Mandeville but we must bear in mind that what Weber had in mind is the work ethic of individuals. However, willing to work hard does not necessarily mean that the system would produce the appropriate or just rewards. So the question Weber had posed is the reversed one: Would natural liberty of hard-working and honest individuals produce a morally acceptable distribution of rewards?

  29. 29.

    On the occasion of the bicentennial of the Wealth of Nations, James Buchanan wrote: ‘Adam Smith’s system of natural liberty, interpreted as his idealized paradigm for social order, embodies justice as well as economic efficiency’ (Buchanan 1978, p. 77). On a similar occasion, George Stigler of the Chicago school is quoted to have said: ‘I bring greetings from Adam Smith who is alive and well and is living in Chicago’ (Meek 1977, p. 3). Ronald Meek, who accounts for Stigler’s declaration and can by no means to be associated with the mainstream of economic thinking, goes on to say: ‘Smith’s great message of good cheer that competitive capitalism is, if not the best of all economic systems, at any rate the best of all possible systems’ (ibid., p. 4). Milton Friedman, whose views on natural liberty need no proof (see his own book on Capitalism and Freedom), has taken Smith’s ideas ad absurdum. He wrote, ‘on the moral level, Smith regarded sympathy as a pervasive human characteristic, but it was unlimited and thus had to be economized. He would have argued that the invisible hand of the market was far more effective than the visible hand of government in mobilizing, not only material resources for immediate self-seeking ends, but also sympathy for unselfish charitable ends’ (Friedman 1978, p. 18).

  30. 30.

    Robbins, for instance, goes as far as to suggest that Smith’s system stands ‘in harmony, with the most refined apparatus of the modern School of Lausanne’ (Robbins 1935, pp. 68–69).

  31. 31.

    Meaning here, without any intervention.

  32. 32.

    In this context, being a ‘happy state’ is a necessary condition for the second element of diachronic order. Alternatively, if a natural self-regulated system of self-interested people generates wealth but people are unhappy, they are likely to produce changes that may interfere with the natural order of things.

  33. 33.

    The idea of social cost exists, in a different format, in modern welfare economics where we are sometimes paying in efficiency terms to get what is socially desirable. However, this is normally the case when we have no means (like lump-sum transfers) to achieve what is known as the first best where expediency and social choice coincide. In other terms, it is still the case that at the limit, social desires and efficiency coincide. In the case of Smith, it was not a question of degree. The free rein of mercenary exchanges which facilitates prosperity comes at the expense of social cohesion and a potential chronic dissonance between our moral principles and that which generates prosperity. The difference between this and Mandeville is that the forces behind prosperity are not deemed as vice but the good is not achieved either.

  34. 34.

    Some may argue that if the outcome is not morally approved, then someone may try to change it. Namely, if there is synchronic order, it means that no one is trying to change the outcome. This seems to suggest that synchronic order implies a diachronic one. While there is some truth in it, there is a difference between one’s moral opinions and one’s immediate actions. People may not like what the economy dishes out to them but they will nevertheless play along as the alternative may be much worse for them. This does not mean that they approve the outcome, but they may not be able to act against it in the short run. In the long run, of course, the accumulation of resentment is bound to have an influence on the system and, subsequently, on the question of whether we accept the synchronic order.

  35. 35.

    It should be noted that Smith uses three concepts of nature: ‘nature of things’, ‘nature of sentiments’ and ‘Nature’. The first two are the more frequently used and they refer to the physical world and the spiritual world of mankind respectively. The third form, Nature, is probably the uniting force which is God or, as some would interpret it, the ‘Great Design’. The important thing here is that the objectives of nature and those of Nature—our spiritual ones—are not necessarily compatible.

  36. 36.

    ‘Thus he who as it were supports the whole frame of society and furnishes the means of the convenience and ease of all the rest is himself possessed of a very small share and is buried in obscurity’ (Lectures on Jurisprudence, p. 341).

  37. 37.

    To some extent this is similar to modern economics. Firstly, we presume that people would have acted rationally even if, as a matter of fact, they do not. And, more importantly, as will be explored later, the existence of the synchronic order (general equilibrium) is also demonstrated at the logical limit. Interestingly, this idea is much closer to what Kant called later the Categorical Imperative, which is, of course, more rationalist than empiricist in nature.

  38. 38.

    Smith’s position on these matters is much more subtle and complex and we will return to it in greater details in Chap. 8.

  39. 39.

    We will explore this issue in more details towards the end of Chap. 7.

  40. 40.

    They are, of course, not the only ones to celebrate the great success and universality of the idea of natural liberty. See also Phelps (2013) and Deaton (2013).

  41. 41.

    While Acemoglou and Robinson make much of their claim for the endogeneity of institutions, what they really mean by this is political machination. In other words, they acknowledge that different societies will not have the required institutions because of political reasons, but they also suggest that any society, the moment it acquires these specific institutions, would flourish regardless of whether the cultures of all societies are conducive to the success of such institutions. In their 2016 paper they berate Piketty as well as Marx (?!) for their determinism and lack of attention to the endogeneity of institutions but they themselves think that competitive institutions will make all societies flourish regardless of their cultural differences. They are clearly not deterministic but they are very much monolithic.

  42. 42.

    Non-extractive institutions are really about the absence of rent-seeking, which means that the institutional set-up is such that neither the institutions nor anyone else can extract the returns which are specific to the activities and abilities of an agent. The general gist of this requirement is indeed a code for natural order as it suggests a world where the returns to individuals’ specific actions should be protected. This also implies that governments’ ability to raise taxes should be restricted. While taxation is not really rent-seeking, it does affect the returns to efforts and to the application of human capital. Therefore, it is inconceivable to imagine non-extractive institutions with high level of taxation even if the decision to tax is reached democratically in what they call inclusive political framework. After all, even modern economics admits that when people vote for higher tax, they will still respond in the same manner to its application: reduce their effort (at both ends of the redistribution cycle). This means that effectively a collective decision to tax or an elite commandeering someone’s due share will amount to the same thing: extracting institutions; unless, of course, one is willing to distinguish between motives and incentives—which will be discussed later on in this book—but then the presumption of universality is less likely to hold.

  43. 43.

    In their analysis, Acemoglou and Robinson claim that the reason why there are so few societies that adopted these institutions—and, therefore, are not prosperous—is because the elites are bound to lose from a change that will shift economic power away from them and, therefore, they will object to such changes. However, they do not contemplate the possibility that some societies may not value material prosperity in the same ways as others. And if they did, this may not be enhanced through private enrichment.

  44. 44.

    Naturally, the question whether one can distinguish between self-interest and selfishness is crucial and we shall deal with this later, but it is clear that for modern economists this does not matter at all.

  45. 45.

    The first two lines are from page 18 and the remaining two from page 24 in Mandeville (1988 [1732]).

  46. 46.

    I am not referring here to the methodological debate about whether one can analyse economics while assuming other things being equal (the Methodenstreit) but to the question of whether the contents of those other things matter or not. I shall explore these issues in detail in later chapters.

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Correspondence to Amos Witztum .

Appendix: About Synchronic and Diachronic Orders

Appendix: About Synchronic and Diachronic Orders

One possible way of explaining the difference between synchronic and diachronic orders is through the examination of the more traditional tool used in the analysis of spontaneous order. I refer here to the idea of evolutionary games.

Imagine for a moment that society is made up of two types of individuals: Those who behave like Hawks and those who behave like Doves. Notwithstanding the real nature of these two birds, let us suppose that the former behaves competitively and aggressively while the latter, the Doves, behave more co-operatively and moderately. Each individual is seeking a livelihood which brings him or her in contact with the other. The following table provides the information about the outcomes of such interactions:

 

Hawk

Dove

Hawk

(h,h)

(H,d)

Dove

(d,H)

(D,D)

This means that when a Hawk meets a Hawk, they are both aggressive and competitive. As a result, the battle between them will reduce the amount left to each one of them in the end. Each one of them, in such a case, will get h which is the gain they will get from the encounter. This gain can be just physical units of food but it can also include less tangible things like sense of humiliation or exhaustion. By comparison, if a Hawk meets a Dove, the Hawk will take home H (which is clearly greater than h) and the defeated Dove will go home with only d. When a Dove meets a Dove, then they co-operatively share the food and may derive a sense of pleasure from their collaborative activity. In such a case, each one of them will get D, which is clearly greater than what they will get if they met a Hawk (d).

What remains for us to do is to ask whether the Hawk gets more when he meets a Dove than what a Dove will get when he meets another Dove. Namely, we need to establish whether D > H or H > D. Let us begin by assuming that H > D and also assume that p is the proportion of individuals who behave Hawk in society. Therefore, the expected gains for a Hawk will depend on the number of encounters he will have with other Hawks or with Doves. As p is the probability that he will meet another Hawk, the expected gains for the Hawk can be described as follows:

$$ {E}_H=p\kern0.28em \cdotp \kern0.28em h+\left(1-p\right)\kern0.28em \cdotp \kern0.28em H $$

The Dove too will meet a Hawk with probability p and another Dove with probability (1 − p):

$$ {E}_D=p\kern0.28em \cdotp \kern0.28em d+\left(1-p\right)\kern0.28em \cdotp \kern0.28em D $$

We assumed that H > D and we would like to add an assumption that d > h. Namely, we would like to assume that the bruised encounter of a Dove with a Hawk provides a greater gain for the Dove than the violent encounter between two Hawks provide each one of them. This is not an unreasonable assumption as the Dove, by submission, may avoid injury, but the Hawk, in fighting the other Hawk, is more likely to incur real cost which will make his benefit negative. If this is the case, the following picture will follow:

figure a

The heavy line describes the expected gains of the Hawk when the proportion of Hawks in the population increases from 0 to 1 according to the equation above. The broken line describes the expected returns for the Dove when the proportion of Hawks in the population increased from 0 to 1. Suppose now that at first the proportion of Hawks in the population is given by p1 (<p*). In such a case, as can be seen in the diagram, the expected return of the Hawks is great than the expected return of the Doves. Given that the return each type of individual brings home will determine the amount of offspring they can rear, it is clear that the Hawks, with their higher returns, will have greater abundance to rear more Hawks than the Doves. This, inevitably, will increase the share of Hawks in the population and p increases. This will continue until we get to the point where the share of Hawks in the population reaches p*. Here, the return for either type of individuals is the same so the rearing will be such that each type will produce enough offspring to maintain a stable population where p* will stay the proportion of Hawks in the population for generations. Had we started at a distribution where Hawks make up a proportion p2(>p*) of the population, then the reverse would be true. The expected return on being a Dove is greater than on being a Hawk and this means that the offspring rearing activities of the Doves will be more successful than that of the Hawks and the share in population of the Hawks will diminish until we get to point p*.

This is a stable evolutionary equilibrium which was formed spontaneously. At this point we have a combination of synchronic and diachronic orders. For each type of individual, behaving as they naturally do in order to survive will naturally produce an outcome where they will survive (the proportion of either group will not change). It is also a diachronic order because there is nothing about their circumstances which would recommend to any of them to change their behaviour or do something else (as long as the issue at hand is survival).

What makes the difference between what I am calling diachronic order and this form of spontaneous order is that it is based, not accidentally, on animals. So yes, in a world of Doves and Hawks p* will create a spontaneous order which will be both synchronic, in the sense that at each period each of the species would survive in the sense that it will sustain its share in the population, and diachronic in the sense that there is nothing internal to lead to a change.

However, if we are dealing with humans and if the Hawk and the Dove are just metaphors to how different people tend to behave naturally, then the interpretation of the evolutionary stable equilibrium becomes more complex. If we assumed that people who are naturally inclined to behave in these different manners will pass on to their offspring the same traits, then the previous biological interpretation remains the same. But, if by talking about humans we suppose that the behaviour is a matter of choice (in the sense of habit formation), then the game we described should be interpreted slightly differently.

Individuals can choose whether to behave Hawkishly or Dovishly. If p, then, represents their belief about how many Hawks there are in the world, then the equilibrium would mean that the proportion of people choosing to act Hawk in the population will be p* (or, in a more abstract manner, that the probability that the person you encounter would act like a Hawk is p*). This equilibrium will represent a synchronic order in the sense that if people are out there to get the best deal for themselves (which is a problematic issue in itself as it assumes that the objectives of the Doves and the Hawks are the same), the fraction p* will behave like Hawks and 1 − p* will behave like Doves. As long as there is no exogenous change, this distribution of characters, or behaviour, will stay the same. So far, this is not really much different from the idea of spontaneous order which we used before.

People, unlike real Hawks and Doves, will form an opinion about the outcome or even about the process. The question is, of course, whether the process whereby they form their moral opinion is independent of what happened here. We will come to this question later in the book, but let us suppose that the public view is that behaving like a Hawk is morally bad, that it is like Mandeville’s ‘fraud, luxury and pride’. It is not inconceivable that people in society choose to act in a morally bad way even though they know it to be so. What is more difficult to accept is that this is a long-term sustainable situation as is implied by the model above.

So, what is it that will bring about a change? If we assume that people care about morality and that the outcome of their action is not just a reflection of their material success but also of their perception of their social standing, the matrix of payoffs may look somewhat different. Suppose that if one acts Hawkish one would have to take into account the cost of being morally blamed (B), whereas if someone behaves Dovishly, one would also bask in praise (P):

 

Hawk

Dove

Hawk

(h − B,h − B)

(H − B,d+P)

Dove

(d+P,H − B)

(D+P,D+P)

Therefore, we could end up with the following situation:

figure b

This means that at p* the equilibrium, which emerges synchronically from the compatibility of choices made by individuals, will not be an equilibrium in the long run as the moral/social dimension will affect the returns (construed in broader manner than just the material gains). At p* now, the expected return on being a Dove is greater than that of being a Hawk. This means that there is one equilibrium only and that is to behave Dovishly. If we wish to think about it in more evolutionary terms, we will need to show that the social standing of an individual (which is bound to affect his or her morale) will also be significant in ensuring successful breeding of offspring.

If moral opinions are formed by simple majority rules, then the question whether we all become Doves or Hawks depends on the value of the synchronic order (p*). If p* < 0.5, then majority are Doves and Hawkish behaviour will be deemed as evil. This, when translated into social penalties B and P, will make us all Doves. But if p* > 0.5, the reverse will happen and we will all become Hawks. So, can p* which is not a corner solution (i.e. neither 0 nor 1) still be a synchronic order which holds diachronically? The answer depends on how ethics is being formed. One can imagine a world in which being a Hawk and being a Dove are treated as equally valued expressions of human behaviour. In such a pluralistic society, 0 < p* < 1 could constitute both a synchronic and a diachronic order. However, it is important to emphasise that this pluralistic idea works only as long as a Dove can always be a Dove and a Hawk can be a Hawk. In other words, it will work only if the message is not just that it is morally acceptable to be one or the other but that it is something which you can effectively do. In other words, will the economic system support whatever it is that individuals want to be or would it force them to change and adapt. This problem will become to the fore when we discuss the apparent pretence of modern economics to uphold such pluralistic views of morality.

An alternative way of thinking about the relationship between the synchronic and diachronic orders could be demonstrated by assuming that the achievement of the Hawk from meeting a Dove is not as great as the result of the collaborative interaction between two Doves. Implicitly, it suggests that the collaborative meeting between two Doves generates an overall benefit which may include more than just material outcomes but could also be suggested by a notion that collaboration is more productive. At this stage, we shall just assume this without explaining this further. In such a case, the following picture will emerge:

figure c

In this case, if we start at p1 the Hawks will have too many seriously bruising encounters with other Hawks and the Doves will have enough collaborative encounters with other Doves so that the expected returns of the Doves are greater than those of the Hawks. This means that the number of Doves will increase and the proportion of Hawks in the population will diminish until they completely disappear. The evolutionary stable equilibrium in this case will be for p* = 0 and everyone is a Dove. In human terms, this may indeed generate a happy society which is predominantly collaborative. Alternatively, one can think of the synchronic order as the order which generates what scholars like Locke or Hobbes called a natural state. So, in the natural state here everyone is a Dove, which, in turn, corresponds to Locke’s view. Nevertheless, in Locke, in spite of the natural state being a sustainable natural order, individuals do enter a social contract. This contract, in our case, becomes the framework of the diachronic order. It preserves the natural traits in human behaviour which generated the synchronic order but it goes further to ensure the fulfilment of social (or Divine, in Locke’s case) objectives.

If we started with p2, then the expected returns on Hawkish behaviour exceed those on Dovish behaviour and the natural process of propagation or choice of behaviour would lead to an equilibrium at point p* = 1: everyone becomes a Hawk. This, again, is the synchronic order which creates the natural state which is more akin to the one conceived by Hobbes. This synchronic order is an order in the sense that there is nothing which can change the individual traits of the agents but, if we follow Hobbes, the Hawks themselves become frustrated as they would have had more if some of the agents were Doves or because it is far scarier to live in a world of Hawks. Consequently, they may all join a social contract (a diachronic order) which is not changing who they are but is removing their freedom to act.

In addition to the fact that adding social or moral considerations may affect the kind of order that emerges, we can also see from this account that the success of the synchronic order in achieving its declared objectives (survival or social preservation in our two stories) are not guaranteed. The synchronic order where p* = 0 (everyone a Dove) is not only a diachronic order in the sense that the individual traits which created it would still be encouraged but it produces the best expected returns in terms of survival or social preservation. When p* = 1 (everyone a Hawk), the synchronic order is certainly not manageable over time and diachronic order may dictate the stifling of individuals’ natural traits. But not only that, the synchronic order which produces the expected return of h is clearly the worst possible outcome.

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Witztum, A. (2019). An Illusion of Order. In: The Betrayal of Liberal Economics. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-10668-3_1

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