Abstract
Socioeconomic characteristics and prospects for upward mobility differ across various groups in a population. Generally referred to as social stratification, these socioeconomic patterns are partly the consequences of prior processes associated with fertility, mortality and immigration. Stratification then in turn influences the fertility, mortality and immigration of the next generation of individuals. The demography of socioeconomic differentials thus plays a pivotal role in the evolution of the structure of a population as well as in its level and patterns of inequality. This chapter reviews demographic research in this area. We survey major methodological studies which often investigate entry and exit processes or other mobility processes that may be time-dependent. The findings from recent and other notable studies are also reviewed in regard to contemporary social stratification particularly as it relates to the effects of ascribed characteristics such as social class origins and race/ethnicity versus education which is an achieved characteristic.
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Notes
- 1.
Of course, individuals may end up in the roughly the same social status they started out in. When considering a strictly quantitative dimension of social status, such as a socioeconomic index that varies over all occupations or earnings measured in constant units with infinite precision, the probability that an individual’s destination status equals his or her origin status is infinitesimally small. With less detailed measures, such as broad occupational categories, such small changes may be undetectable, and individuals will thus be considered immobile.
- 2.
Namboodiri and Suchindran (1987) provide a concise treatment of the life table from a Markov perspective.
- 3.
In demography, this method is routinely applied to assess the impact of measured covariates on rates. For example, a common technique is to treat the counts as Poisson variates and to fit a generalized linear model with the log of the exposure as an offset—a term whose slope coefficient is fixed at unity or some other constant (e.g., Holford 1980; Laird and Oliver 1981).
- 4.
A Markov process is one in which an individual’s future status depends only on his present status, independent of the previous history leading up to present status.
- 5.
Time dependence may be specified semiparametrically in which case transition rates are assumed to be constant within time intervals, but can change in a stepwise fashion over time. Tuma’s (1976) finding of the existence of significant duration dependence in job mobility rates is taken as evidence against a stationary Markov process for job mobility and evidence in favor of a semi-Markov view that incorporates stationary person-specific characteristics on the one hand and time-dependence in job-shift rates on the other.
- 6.
The Gompertz model and its modification by Makeham (1860) are widely used in demography to describe the force of mortality at later ages.
- 7.
A notable exception to this is Rogoff’s (1953) study in which data are obtained from marriage license applications eliciting men’s current occupation as well as the current occupation of the respondent’s father.
- 8.
Research by Mare (1997) uses generalizations of these methods to examine the process by which a socioeconomically differentiated population reproduces itself.
- 9.
These are conceptually identical to the pij’s we defined earlier. By definition the transition probabilities sum to 1 over rows, \( \underset{j}{\int}{p}_{ij}=1 \). The empirical counterparts are outflow proportions (or row proportions) pij = fij/fi., where denotes the joint frequency in the ith row and jth column and \( {f}_{i.}=\underset{j}{\int}{f}_{ij} \) denotes marginal frequency in the ith row. By contrast, the cell proportions in the table are fij/N, where N is the sample size.
- 10.
In fact, it is rare to find intergenerational mobility tables that go back more than one generation, making application of these models somewhat problematic.
- 11.
Formally, for a continuous-time process this means that the distribution of t is defective, implying that a proportion of the population never experience a transition.
- 12.
A saturated model has a single parameter per cell, and thus fits the data perfectly.
- 13.
Here we use integer scoring. The particular values used are inconsequential as long as they are uniformly spaced. Other scoring methods may be more reasonable, such as using midpoints or weighted means to linearize categories based on interval measures.
- 14.
A decline in social mobility is also hypothesized by Herrnstein and Murray (1994) although in their view this decline is generated primarily as a consequence of the increasing stratification of cognitive skills.
- 15.
As Hout (1988) notes, the finding that college education erases the origin-destination association may help to explain the paradox of higher-than-average attainment, i.e., beyond what would be predicted by social origins, of certain ethnic minorities in the U.S. such as Asian Americans and Eastern Europeans as these groups have a higher than average proportion of college graduates.
- 16.
The two countries where class differentials in educational attainment do appear to be significantly attenuated are the Netherlands and Sweden (De Graaf and Ganzeboom 1993; Jonsson 1993). These two countries are also characterized by somewhat higher levels of circulation mobility (Ganzeboom and De Graaf 1984; Erikson and Goldthorpe 1987).
- 17.
A major exception here is the work of Treiman (1977) which also uses data for developing nations. The Treiman constant is thus the one generalization that may be said to pertain to both developed and developing nations.
- 18.
Contrary to the standard sociological approach, Mazumder and Acosta (2015) find that the extent of measured intergenerational occupational mobility varies depending upon the ages used to assess the occupations of fathers and sons.
- 19.
Buscha and Sturgis (2018) conclude that, contrary to popular sentiments, there has been no decline in intergenerational social mobility in England and Wales in recent decades. However, recent trends in intergenerational income mobility there might nevertheless be more consistent with that popular view.
- 20.
Mare (2011) presents an intriguing argument for investigating a multigenerational approach to mobility. However, high rates of children born to changing and complex family structures (Tach 2015) complicate the analysis of higher-order intergenerational relations. In addition, the causal pathways and substantive significance of higher-order intergenerational relations seem to be a bit unclear particularly in modern societies characterized by economic growth or a high level of immigration.
- 21.
The vast majority of Asian Americans are first or second generation, but Chetty et al. (2018) note that the mobility patterns for third- generation Asian Americans are more similar to whites. This pattern suggests cultural assimilation into American norms regarding childrearing and education (Sakamoto and Kim 2018).
- 22.
Furthermore, the opportunity costs of expanding college enrollments is especially great giving rising tuition and other fees.
- 23.
Although less commonly studied in stratification research to date, Harris and Schorpp (2018) discuss the potential of the increasing use of biomarkers to inform analyses of socioeconomic stratification and health.
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Sakamoto, A., Powers, D.A. (2019). 17 The Demography of Social Stratification. In: Poston, D.L. (eds) Handbook of Population. Handbooks of Sociology and Social Research. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-10910-3_18
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