Abstract
Hagiographic drama is also used by Florian Schmid, who examines one of the best-quality Late Medieval German Easter Plays, the ‘Easter Play of Redentin’, from the fifteenth century in his article ‘The Seriousness of Comedy in the “Redentin Easter play” (ca. 1460): Forms, Functions, and Potential Effects’. Presenting the typical salvation history events of the resurrection of Christ, it nevertheless proposes an extraordinary adaptation to the environment of the intended audience. Schmid shows that particular strategies of representation were used, which, in turn, sheds light on the ways the central Christian narrative was molded to suit contemporary needs. The play and the salvific message it aimed to convey was to appeal to the community for example by means of using the vernacular and setting the play in the Baltic Sea area instead of Jerusalem.
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Notes
- 1.
The testimonies on performances of religious plays in the German-speaking world, collected by Neumann, by far exceed the number of transmitted plays in the form of manuscripts, and document the widespread distribution of this genre. The testimonies rarely give specific information about real performance practice; concrete reasons for the audience to attend the plays remain vague. The numbers of attendees are probably not highly reliable; for instance, Martin Crusius writes in his ‘Calwer Chronik’ of 1505 of an estimated attendance of 10,000 people at an Easter play , who were blessed after the performance; Neumann (1987) [No. 1055]. The plays attracted both a town’s population as well as people from near and far. Corresponding to the real distribution of the town’s inhabitants, the majority belonged to the lower social groups. Aside from the sermon, religious plays can be seen as the largest mass medium of the late Middle Ages. Easter plays represent a subset of religious plays and are based on the Easter liturgy with its Easter trope, the antiphonal singing by Mary and the angel on Easter morning.
- 2.
Cf. Weitbrecht (2012).
- 3.
Visuality was of great importance in performances. Open-air performances might have made it difficult for the entire audience to accurately understand what was being said on stage (nature of the performance location, stage size, distance of the audience from the players, (restless) behaviour of the audience, etc.); Tanner and Watson (2006) and Ehrstine (2015). Schulze (2012, 222) points out the fundamental discrepancy between the conception of the plays with mostly well-conceived texts and their delivery to the spectators. The text of the ‘Redentin Easter Play’ indicates that the audience was supposed to sit (v. 9), which probably facilitated good listening and viewing conditions.
- 4.
Text edition: Das Redentiner Osterspiel.
- 5.
The manuscript (12 sheets in quartus, today in the Badische Landesbibliothek Karlsruhe, cod. K 369) is named after the place where it was written: finitus est iste rycmus anno domini M°cccc°lxiiij sequenti die elizabethae in redentyn (scil. 20th November 1464). Quoted after Das Redentiner Osterspiel, 3. Redentin, which consisted of only a few farms and is located about 5 km north of Wismar beside the Wismar Bay, had belonged to the Cistercian monastery Doberan since 1192. The location of the production of its pretext cannot be determined, perhaps it was Lübeck, Wismar, or Doberan; Das Redentiner Osterspiel, 3; cf. Schulze (2012, 65). The anonymous transmission possibly increased the authority of the play as it is the case of numerous vitae. The Middle Low German written dialect East Elbian (Das Redentiner Osterspiel, 8) and explicit geographical references indicate a genesis in the Baltic Sea area.
- 6.
Linke (1989, 1066).
- 7.
According to Müller (2004, 130) in religious plays, theatrical aspects are expanded and the function of theatrical mimesis dominates religious purpose when compared to liturgical piety practices. Claußnitzer (2007, 163) assumes that Easter plays were experienced as a liturgical act. Plays were considered to be a kind of gottesdinst [‘religious service’] as it is stated in a request for a performance permit of a Passion play submitted by a play company to the City Council of Frankfurt/M. in 1470; Neumann (1987) [No. 1503]. According to Christian belief, God is invisible for the sinful human, but will be visible for the chaste soul.
- 8.
- 9.
As usual for religious plays, the rhyming couplets are four-footed. In the manuscript, they are written in one line. The information on roles and directions, which were typically written in Latin, is situated in the right margin. This type of mise en page indicates that the manuscript is a copy of another text, copied for archiving and meant for reading; Obhof (2001, 2). The low level of carefulness and some omissions in the transcript might be caused by the lack of writing material; Williams-Krapp (2018, 185).
- 10.
Moeller (1963, 44) describes the late fifteenth century in ‘Germany’ as one of the most religious periods of the Middle Ages. He refers, for example, to a decline in heresy in the later fifteenth century, a demonstrable increase of pious foundations, a juxtaposition of both popularisation attempts of largely simplified saints and silent, inner piety, a massive increase in production of edifying literature as a result of high demand, and to an increasing rate of literacy of urban laymen gaining them access to religious literature; Moeller (1965, 7–11). This can partly be explained by an assumption of an imminent end to the world.
- 11.
Cf. Rogge (2008, 7).
- 12.
Rogge (2008, 7, 11).
- 13.
Rogge (2008, 8).
- 14.
In the heyday of late medieval performances, the play masters often came from the city’s administrative bodies; Schulze (2012, 36).
- 15.
The plays fulfilled different ‘pragmatic’ functions such as provision of salvation, action orientation, collective memory, knowledge transfer; Müller (1986, 57).
- 16.
The angels’ addressing of the audience links the real to the fictional world; Linseis (2017, 24). In this context, Barton (2016, 441) distinguishes three kinds of spaces, which are constituted in different ways: the location of the performance, the space of the stage, and the imagined performative space.
- 17.
In biblical canon, there are only few details about Jesus’ descent into hell such as in Apoc. 1:18 (mentioning Jesus’ victory over hell and death), I Pet. 3:19 f. (report of a homily given by Jesus in hell to the dead), Matt. 27:51–53 (report of the resurrection of aforementioned dead); further text passages point to a more passive stay of Jesus in hell (Matt. 12:40; Acts 2:24; Rom. 10:7; Eph. 4:8 f.); Wolf (1996, 277). These passages are probably the basis for the dogma of the Apostles’ Creed (Descendit ad inferos); ibid. The ‘Gospel of Nicodemus’ contains a narrative of Jesus’ trial before Pontius Pilate, of Jesus’ death and resurrection, as well as the narration of Jesus’ Harrowing of Hell and the deliverance of the forefathers; text edition: Evangelia Apocrypha, 389–432.
- 18.
Cf. Miedema (2011, 340) for analogue narrative strategies in vitae.
- 19.
- 20.
- 21.
Röcke (2015, 153) identifies two forms of comic in the ‘Redentin Easter Play’: a comic of inversion or reversal and a comic of mockery of Lucifer, the ruler of hell.
- 22.
- 23.
Cf. Schnell (2005).
- 24.
Cf. Schulze (2015, 132).
- 25.
Cf. Wolf (2009).
- 26.
Ridder (2004, 195).
- 27.
Müller (2004, 131).
- 28.
Röcke (2015, 157).
- 29.
Röcke (2015, 157).
- 30.
Velten (2018) evaluated the research on perspectives of the function of comic and laughter in regard to the Mercator scene and distinguishes the following: Comic might be understood as a medium of contrast; as risus paschalis, i.e. as an expression of paschal joy (paraenetic laughter); laughter about the comic might work as a relief of the sacred; from a ritualistic perspective, comic and laughter might be considered as a pagan substrate; it might indicate the ambivalence of myth and kerygma; it serves for entertainment according to the reality of the marketplace; it might be viewed as an interlude in order to discharge affects.
- 31.
Das Redentiner Osterspiel, 12.
- 32.
Das Redentiner Osterspiel, 17.
- 33.
Müller (2004, 131 f.). Angels played an important part in medieval religiosity: They served God with never-ending praise as messengers (e.g. at the annunciation to Mary; Matt. 1:20; Luke 1:26) and avenging angels. As guardian angels and companions of the souls after death, they were also of special importance to humans; Rogge (2008, 9 f.); cf. Angenendt (1997, 149).
- 34.
Cf. Miedema (2011, 343 f.) on vitae.
- 35.
Schmid (2015, 295).
- 36.
Das Redentiner Osterspiel, 176 [ad v. 170].
- 37.
Claußnitzer (2007, 168).
- 38.
The watchman is usually interpreted as a tower guard, as he can obviously look out from an elevated position.
- 39.
Cf. Janota (1994). Easter plays comprise a large number of sung text passages, most of them are taken from Church traditions. Melodies are rarely included in the manuscripts; the one belonging to the ‘Redentin Easter play’ features none.
- 40.
This is the Middle Low German version of the oldest German Easter song ‘Christ ist erstanden’ [‘Christ is risen’], which has a four-line stanza with a final kyrie eleison. Its oldest, neumed text is dated to the twelfth century and comes from Salzburg; its origin is suspected to be Passau; Das Redentiner Osterspiel, 266 [ad v. 2025].
- 41.
Claußnitzer (2007, 106–8). Other plays usually contain geographical names from different areas of Europe and partly from the Middle East. Mentioning Lübeck probably refers to the local plague epidemics in the years 1450–1451 and 1463–1464.
- 42.
Schulze (2012, 65).
- 43.
The succession of events does not correspond to that of the Apostles’ Creed, according to which the descent into hell happened before the resurrection. This order can be found in most plays, probably because of the theatrical effect; Schulze (2012, 67).
- 44.
- 45.
The souls first sing the ‘Canticum triumphale’. This antiphon was the nucleus of the celebrations of the elevatio crucis and is found in most plays; Das Redentiner Osterspiel, 12 f.; 206 [ad v. 506a]. See also v. 586b, 604a, 682a.
- 46.
Claußnitzer (2007, 75) suggests that the devils, due to lack of legitimate reasons, resort to puns and proverbial expression in order to restrain John’s soul.
- 47.
The saying is based on Ecclesiastes (Preacher Sal.) 7:17 (16); Das Redentiner Osterspiel, 221 [ad v. 794].
- 48.
The motif that the earthly adversaries prevent the resurrection and then want to conceal it can be found in Matt. 27:62 ff.; Das Redentiner Osterspiel, 12.
- 49.
Claußnitzer (2007, 85).
- 50.
As a memento mori, the soul-catching scene was supposed to unsettle and improve the audience; Das Redentiner Osterspiel, 5, 17 f.
- 51.
Röcke (2015, 153).
- 52.
Jauß (1976, 105–7).
- 53.
Röcke (2015) has explained that the devils’ community is constituted by violence.
- 54.
The selection of characters belonging to the lower social group is typical for Easter plays , which corresponds to the intended audience; Das Redentiner Osterspiel, 14.
- 55.
Cf. Claußnitzer (2007, 126, 131).
- 56.
Claußnitzer (2007, 79–81).
- 57.
Claußnitzer (2007, 204).
- 58.
Gold (2018, 133).
- 59.
Gold (2018, 137).
- 60.
This is not just a denigration of Lucifer. The name-calling can be used to generate closeness—perhaps similar to certain kinds of greetings among male teenagers such as ‘Hello, asshole!’.
- 61.
Petersen (2004, 200–2).
- 62.
Linke (1967, 99).
- 63.
Angenendt (1997, 158) points out that this corresponds to the dogmatic clarifications of the Fourth Lateran Council in 1215.
- 64.
Cf. Matt. 25:31–46 (the condemned of the Last Judgment must eternally burn in hell).
- 65.
Claußnitzer (2007, 206).
- 66.
Müller (2004, 132).
- 67.
Claußnitzer (2007, 49).
- 68.
Ackermann (2012, 93) suggests that such a change of the periods aims at stronger involvement of an audience.
- 69.
Claußnitzer (2007, 135).
- 70.
According to Schmid (1975, 241) an explicit location of the plot of an Easter play in one’s own town is rather rare. Linseis (2017, 257 f.) interprets information from the performance testimonies of religious dramas in the way that there is usually an actualisation with regard to costumes, for example, when the actor playing Jesus wears a priestly robe, the actors of female characters are dressed in contemporary clothes, and the actors of Jewish characters are clothed according to medieval sumptuary laws; in this way, the latter become interchangeable and confusable with members of the resident Jewish community. Similar strategies for the suggestion of nearness can be observed in the field of late medieval visual arts: the sight, observation, and recognition of everyday worlds is thought to incite a more intense perception, concentration, and devotion; Jaritz (2002, 333). Linseis (2017, 258) points out that a visible, audible and experienceable performance of the events might be interpreted not as the viewers being integrated in the action, but the play in the town.
- 71.
Claußnitzer (2007, 145).
- 72.
Claußnitzer (2007, 142–44).
- 73.
Claußnitzer (2007, 139).
- 74.
Müller (2004, 133) emphasises that only the Reformation, as well as the resulting Counter-Reformation, drew sharp boundaries between the sacred and the profane.
- 75.
Ridder (2004, 206).
- 76.
Wolf (1996, 273).
- 77.
Wolf (1996, 286).
- 78.
Wolf (1996, 286).
- 79.
Wolf (1996, 286).
- 80.
Schulze (2015, 145).
- 81.
Ridder (2004, 195 f., 203).
- 82.
For possibilities and limitations of the application of the concept of immersion on religious plays from a reception point of view, see Ackermann (2012).
- 83.
The Augustinian monk, Erfurt theology professor and experienced pastor Johannes von Paltz (ca. 1445–1511) described in his works (1486–1504) that ordinary Christians like to fix the events of the history of salvation to concrete places, single facts perceptible to the senses or words; Burger (1990, 319). According to Paltz, fear can have the function within the necessary educational process of man of preparing for love and opening the Christians for the grace of God; Burger (1990, 317). If similar standards are presupposed for the ‘Redentin Easter play’, they would be highly complied.
Bibliography
Printed sources
Das Redentiner Osterspiel. Mittelniederdeutsch und Neuhochdeutsch. 2000. Trans. and commented by Brigitta Schottmann. Stuttgart: Reclam.
Evangelia Apocrypha: adhibitis plurimis codicibus graecis et latinis maximam partem nunc primum consultis atque ineditorum copia insignibus. 1966. Ed. Konstantin von Tischendorf, Leipzig, reprograph. Reprint of the presumable 2nd edition, Leipzig, 1876. Hildesheim: Olms.
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Schmid, F.M. (2019). The Seriousness of Comedy in the ‘Redentin Easter Play’ (ca. 1460): Forms, Functions, and Potential Effects. In: Kuuliala, J., Peake, RM., Räisänen-Schröder, P. (eds) Lived Religion and Everyday Life in Early Modern Hagiographic Material. Palgrave Studies in the History of Experience. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-15553-7_10
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