Abstract
This chapter delivers a composition of relevant theoretical models and concepts that serve as the fundament of the empirical analyses of the book. The central concept linking the persistence of the political system of the EU to the citizens’ attitudes is political support. In tradition of research on political culture, the chapter traces the theoretical development of the support concept from its original application to the transfer to supranational regimes such as the EU. The key postulate within this strand of research is that the persistence of a political system depends on the congruence between citizens’ political culture and the regime’s structure. The decision to embed the study of the citizens’ perspective on the Euro crisis into this framework is suitable since an acute crisis resembles a real test for the citizens’ support of a political regime and thereby its ultimate persistence. Ultimately, this chapter delivers a further conceptualization of the idea of a critical event that has the potential to fundamentally change citizens’ political attitudes.
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Notes
- 1.
The Big Five personality traits are considered to be openness to experience, conscientiousness, extraversion, agreeableness, and neuroticism (see Goldberg (1993)).
- 2.
Three-dimensional attitude concepts differentiate between cognitive, affective, and conative components of attitudes. Cognitive responses consist of ideas and thoughts, affective ones of evaluations as well as affects, and conative ones point to intentions of behaviour Schumann (2012, p. 80).
- 3.
For a thorough discussion of this point of view, see for example Greenwald and Banaji (1995).
- 4.
This overview on the primary features of the attitude concept merely scratches the surface of the whole research area in social psychology. To illustrate the variety of progress made in social psychology, see Hatemi and McDermott (2016) for a review on recent attempts to link neuroscience and genetic research with the explanation of attitude formation and change. Also, they provide considerations about the potential role of genetic factors for the prediction of attitude-driven behaviours.
- 5.
Within a parochial society, citizens are rather separated from the political system and decision-making and are unaware of their position and the governing actors. The subject culture implies that people are aware of the state and the decision-making processes but do not see themselves as active participants and do not possess orientations to input objects such as political factions, leaders or interest groups. In a participant culture, citizens are aware of all political object classes and are willing to use all available forms of active participation in politics Dalton and Welzel (2014, p. 4).
- 6.
Fuchs (1989, 1993) confronts these issues by applying a different taxonomy drawing from Parsons (1951) that separated evaluative orientations into expressive, instrumental and moral orientations. Expressive attitudes are mainly of emotional character, moral orientations weigh norms and values, and instrumental attitudes assess the performance of attitude objects. Thus, Parsons’ general taxonomy of attitudes adequately matches our earlier one-dimensional conception of the attitude concept being of evaluative nature. The dominant support variants are the expressive identification with the community, the moral legitimacy of the regime and the instrumental effectiveness of the authorities. Still, identification, legitimacy and effectiveness are plausible for all three attitude objects Fuchs (1993, 238 f.).
- 7.
- 8.
Norris (2011) labels the five varieties on the diffuse-to-specific-spectrum of support as national identities, approval or core regime principles and values, evaluations of regime performance, confidence in regime institutions, and approval of incumbent officeholders.
- 9.
Fuchs originally uses the term “overflow” that I consider a misleading translation from his earlier works in German and to be more properly captured by the term “diffusion”.
- 10.
- 11.
I follow Lipset, that defines political legitimacy “the capacity of a political system to engender and maintain the belief that the existing political institutions are the most appropriate ones for the society” Lipset (1960, p. 64).
- 12.
Scharpf’s modes of legitimation shall not be confused with Easton’s sub-dimension of diffuse support (legitimacy). While the former taps on a normative understanding of democratic legitimacy, the latter describes an individual, or subjective perspective of perceived legitimacy of a political community or regime.
- 13.
“A state of affairs is defined as Pareto efficient if it is the case that compared with it, no one’s utility can be raised without reducing someone else’s utility.” Sen (1993, p. 521)
- 14.
“Communities of common communication, experience and memories”. Translation of Kielmansegg’s original German term by the author.
- 15.
For an overview see: Höreth (1999, 255 f.).
- 16.
Social trust is meant as the individual’s inclination of mutual confidence to cooperate in reciprocal manner despite potential lack of familiarity between persons. Following Putnam, social trust contributes to the accumulation of social capital that “features of social life, networks, norms and trust that enable participants to act together more effectively to pursue shared objectives” Putnam (1993, 167 f.). For more general considerations on this understanding of trust and its position in democratic theory, see Warren (1999).
- 17.
See Chap. 7.
- 18.
A prominent exception to the general impression that information processing concerning political issues is dominantly heuristic is Kriesi (2005) in his study on direct democratic choice in Switzerland. He supposes that the enduring examination of a specific policy proposal facilitates the argument-based decision making, and thus the systematic information processing.
- 19.
For a comprehensive review of current anchoring-and-adjustment research, see Simmons et al. (2010).
- 20.
Following this notion, the concept of Euroscepticism will be used to classify party choices when analysing voters’ behaviour during the 2014 EP elections.
- 21.
- 22.
Specific implications of the effect of economic crises in general (Sect. 2.1.4) and the European crises in particular (Chap. 4) will follow at later points in this book.
- 23.
The order of the different approaches is derived—if applicable—from their position within the conceptualization of types of EU support. I chose to present individual- and contextual findings separately rather than only sorting by substantive approaches to differentiate between individual- and context-level arguments.
- 24.
Already Inglehart expected national identity to serve as the “springboard not the gravedigger” (Inglehart 1977a: 155) of European identity.
- 25.
See Mondak (2010) and Gerber et al. (2010) for a comprehensive introduction into the psychology of personality and politics. The measurement of personality has not been included into large-scale Pan-European surveys yet. Nevertheless, scholars draw from the established Big Five instrument to identify the role of personality traits in shaping EU attitudes in national contexts. The Big Five instrument was developed to provide insights about an individual’s core characteristics and is structured into five dimensions, namely extraversion, openness to new experiences, agreeableness, conscientiousness, and neuroticism see Costa and McCrae (2009), Digman (1990). “Specifically, people open to experience have a lively imagination, are curious and open-minded. Conscientious persons prefer order, adhere to social norms, plan and organize tasks, are goal oriented and are reluctant to change. Extraverts seek excitement, are outgoing and social. Agreeable citizens are tender-minded, trusting, altruistic and caring. Lastly, neurotic persons are self-conscious and have a tendency to experience negative affect such as anger, anxiety and depression.” Bakker and De Vreese (2016, p. 27). Schoen (2007) finds that respondents in a German sample that are open to experiences and agreeable are more likely to support European integration and the Euro. Bakker and De Vreese (2016) draw from a survey conducted in Denmark during the 2014 European Parliament election to relate the Big Five to a multidimensional set of EU attitudes. They find that the five traits are heterogeneously associated with support of the deepening and widening of the EU, trust in the EU as well as “negative affect”. The overall impact, however, is weak compared to other determinants Bakker and De Vreese (2016, p. 37). High levels of neuroticism correlate for instance with negative affect toward the EU and the widening of the EU. The latter is also associated with openness and agreeableness. Nielsen (2016) extends this approach by comparing across Dutch and Swedish respondents and by introducing media frames since personality traits are expected to moderate an individual’s reaction to media input Nielsen (2016, p. 1177). She finds that openness and extraversion are positively correlated with EU attitudes, while neuroticism impedes positive views of the EU. Conscientious and neurotic respondents are less prone to attitude change after being confronted with media frames Nielsen (2016, p. 1193).
- 26.
On the one hand, the authors argue that left-leaning citizens are less inclined to support the EU due to socio-economic considerations. On the other hand, right-wing citizens show lower levels of support because of socio-cultural issues such as “national interests, identity, and sovereignty” van Elsas and van der Brug (2015, p. 201).
- 27.
A clear example of this argument can be retraced in the process of ratification of the Maastricht treaty in Denmark. After the first referendum failed to produce a majority for the treaty, concessions for the Danish people were made that reassured Denmark did not need to introduce the Euro as common currency and the EU would remain a supranational institution rather than a European super-state. These concessions and clarifications led to a shift in public opinion and ultimately the unchanged treaty was ratified in a second referendum a year later Worre (1995). The pattern of individual integration ideals was decisive for the outcome of the two referenda. The clarifications and the opt-out of the common currency seemed to convince voters in the second referendum.
- 28.
For an exception, see Hobolt (2012).
- 29.
A finding I will comprehensively discuss in the next section on national heuristics.
- 30.
Besides this empirical argument, this study is interested in the effect of SWD on generalized EU regime support. This moves the question of the substantive content of citizens’ understanding of EU democracy secondary.
- 31.
The comparison between the national and the European level is not considered a fitting case for this specific benchmarking argument since it would contradict the established assumption that European performance evaluations are largely correlated with the respective national attitude.
- 32.
Formal education is part of three approaches introduced in this book: It is considered (1) a component of objective factors in the utilitarian approach (Sect. 2.1.3.2 c) as part of the SES, (2) a prerequisite for the rise of post-materialism (see value orientations Sect. 2.1.3.2 b), and (3) part of the cognitive dimension of political involvement as defined here. This only points out that theoretical concept overlap frequently so that scholars can argue on the role of education from several perspectives.
- 33.
This connection has already been brought forward by Inglehart (1970a) who described this process of the greater attentiveness of involved citizens as cognitive mobilization.
- 34.
On the contrary, Gabel and Scheve (2007a, p. 1024) show that the effect of party position homogeneity on EU support decreases among the more involved citizens, albeit only slightly.
- 35.
An illustrative example for partisan-motivated reasoning in the United States is presented by Zaller (2004, p. 200). Citizens were largely biased by their party identification when evaluating the economic situation during various US presidential election campaigns.
- 36.
The relevance of good governance (even in established European democracies) is also shown by Zmerli (2016) who finds that corruption on the domestic level proves to be the most robust contextual factor to add explanatory value to the individual’s satisfaction with national democracy and political trust (as a measure of generalized support for the nation) Zmerli (2016, p. 305).
- 37.
Of course, this resembles an indirect argument since European integration is considered an individual-level determinant of generalized support on its own.
- 38.
- 39.
Besides these amendments, Fuchs (2011a) discusses the national historical and institutional context that shapes the structure of political conflict within the member states. Also, he further differentiates the types of media messages. These factors are of subordinate importance since this study does not measure and analyse individual perception of media messages. Also, the historical collective memory of member states only indirectly facilitates the explanation of individual attitudes.
- 40.
For an overview, see Bélanger and Meguid (2008).
- 41.
A prominent summary of early economic theory regarding business cycles was provided by Schumpeter (1954).
- 42.
- 43.
In accordance with “degressive proportional” representation, see Art. 14 TEU.
- 44.
To discriminate between abstention as an exit choice and abstention as the result of a lack of interest, the mediating role of political involvement must be taken into account in later empirical analyses see Eilfort (1994, 253 f.).
- 45.
- 46.
Again, we can observe that attitudinal predictors edge out objective factors such as the SES when both are controlled for.
- 47.
Therefore, we can conclude that objective factors such as the SES are only of indirect explanatory power via mediation through attitudes and behavioural dispositions.
- 48.
- 49.
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Bauer, S. (2020). Conceptualizing Citizens’ Support for the European Union. In: Citizens’ Support for the European Union. Contributions to Political Science. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-16461-4_2
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