Abstract
In this chapter, we further elaborate the concept of translocal livelihoods to establish a basis for answering the following questions: Why does the translocalization of livelihood systems in Africa occur? And to what extent does the translocalization of livelihoods relate to different degrees of vulnerability ? A model of translocality is introduced. Based on Anthony Giddens’ idea of “structuration”, it enables us to analyze translocal action and scrutinize the significance of such action for the structuration of the translocal. The model thus provides an analytical framework for answering the questions of (a) how different aspects of translocal strategic action contribute to the formation and reproduction of translocal structures and (b) how translocal social linkages affect the embedded actors’ livelihood strategies (Sects. 4.1 and 4.2). In the Sects. 4.2.1, 4.2.2 and 4.2.3 three important types of strategies— economic diversification , migration and social networking —are each be examined in terms of vulnerability and translocality .
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Notes
- 1.
- 2.
Scott (1976) deduces this “safety-first principle ” in the context of smallholder subsistence agriculture . Considering the minimum harvest yield necessary to meet the subsistence level needs of a household and the variations in actual harvest yields, he concludes that the risk aversion frequently observed in economic decision-making in smallholder contexts reflects a very rational economic logic—a logic which cannot be reconciled with the neoclassical principle of profit maximization , however: “In the choice of seeds and techniques in cultivation it means simply that the cultivator prefers to minimize the probability of having a disaster rather than maximizing his average return.” (Scott 1976: 17f)
- 3.
The emergence of the vulnerability approach at the end of the 1980s was a reaction to the purely economic approaches previously dominant within development research , as well as to conventional concepts of poverty which were limited to monetary income variables. Vulnerability research contradicted the notion that “the poor” represented a homogeneous and passive mass (see Chambers 1989; Swift 1989). Accordingly, vulnerability was no longer equated with material poverty but interpreted as a multidimensional and context-specific situation of deprivation, in which those involved develop strategies and take intentional action. The discussion has always recognized social isolation as a factor influencing vulnerability (see Chambers 1989; Chambers and Conway 1992; Racodi 1995; Bohle and Watts 1993; Hufschmid 2011). In this context, social networks are understood as informal social safety nets, a coping strategy that can be called upon in times of crisis . Since the 1980s, the study of social networks and their significance for securing the survival of marginalized population segments has steadily gained popularity within development research . And the concept of social capital as a resource of “the poor” has become popular (see Steinbrink 2012).
- 4.
Although some vulnerability studies have investigated migration, they have mostly viewed it as a coping strategy in times of acute crisis or disaster. Little attention has been paid to the significance of migration as planned strategy in “normal times” and an integral part of the livelihood system.
- 5.
In a comparative study Davis et al. (2017: 157) state: “Turning to income shares, the countries in our African sample show a tendency toward on-farm sources of income (i.e. agricultural income minus agricultural wages): they have higher shares of on-farm income (63%) and lower shares of non-farm wage income (8%), compared with countries of other regions (33 and 21% respectively), including those at similar levels of GDP. All the countries from Sub-Saharan Africa in this sample earn at least 55% of their income from agricultural sources, reaching approximately 80% in a number of countries (Ethiopia , Madagascar, Malawi, and Nigeria in 2004). Similarly, on-farm income accounts for more than 50% in all but one country (Kenya , at 48%). Combined with the observation above on the virtually universal level of participation in agricultural activities in the Sub-Saharan Africa subsample, this reinforces the message of agriculture still dominating the rural economy on the continent. Despite the fact that non-agricultural activities are ubiquitous (70% participation), they still account on average for only about one third of total earnings.”
- 6.
- 7.
- 8.
“ […] diversification lies at the heart of livelihood strategies in rural Africa” (Barrett et al. 2001: 1).
- 9.
The combination of different economic strategies is described in the literature as “occupational multiplicity” (see White 1976; Breman 1996), “multi-tasking” (see Zoomers 2001), “income diversification” (see Barrett et al. 2001) or “livelihood diversification” (see Ellis 1998). According to the various research interests in this area, different criteria are used to categorize the combinations of economic activities. Among these categories are: agricultural/non-agricultural, informal/formal, wage labor/self-employment and local/migratory (see Ellis 1998:5 and Barett et al. 2001: 6ff).
- 10.
Diversification can take place (a) within one activity (e.g. simultaneous agricultural production for subsistence and market purposes), (b) through the combination of various economic activities carried out by one person or (c) through the combination of different activities carried out by several household members.
- 11.
- 12.
On this, see the overview in Reardon (1997).
- 13.
The “new economics of labor migration ” approach to migration studies is based on a similar perspective (see e.g. Stark 1984, 1991). It emphasizes the importance of families and households and their collective strategies as central elements of migration processes. While classical migration theories assume an autonomously acting individual, this approach puts families or households first. Focusing on the analytical unit of the household means that the household income is considered rather than the individual incomes of its members. Here, the aggregated benefit to the household may well be at odds with individual benefit. As a result, when examining migration decisions, researchers must also consider the expected overall household benefit or the overall risk to the household.
- 14.
One example would be the short-term wage work of a household member in an urban center to compensate for an unexpected loss of income following a crop failure.
- 15.
“(…) Migration is perceived as a spatially and temporally very limited anomaly in an otherwise sedentary life” [translation] (Pries 2001: 8).
- 16.
The translocality of social space is a consequence and at the same time a condition of migratory actions, because the socio-spatial structure significantly influences the action contexts of the “movers ” and “stayers ” involved, and thus their action decisions.
- 17.
- 18.
In studies dealing with phenomena of chain migration and migration networks , this is usually referred to as pioneer migration. We prefer the term socio-spatial expansion , because it sounds less militaristic.
- 19.
The social capital inherent in these relationships co-migrates, so to speak, with the expanders and serves as an important, destination-specific resource for other potential migrants (see “translocalization of social capital ” in Sect. 4.2.3).
- 20.
The support claims made on members of the same household tend to be much greater and stronger than those made on members of the wider social circle. Household support is also based less on the prospect of a relatively short-term reciprocation than on a long-term strategy.
- 21.
The postulate that the translocality of the social space is fundamentally an expression of actions to minimize economic risk falls short. Migratory actions to which there is hardly any viable alternative also contribute to migratory translocalization , as do migrations that are part of a long-term, planned strategy for adapting livelihood systems to maximize benefits.
- 22.
As the focus of interest in ethnology expanded from the rural to include urban contexts, researchers realized that, in addition to kinship, other types of relationships also play an important role.
- 23.
Critics have accused these studies of romanticizing the societies in question by ignoring the structural inequality in the distribution of power within them. For a discussion of the “economy of affection ” in Africa, see Tsuruta (2008).
- 24.
- 25.
Lourenço-Lindell (2002: 30) notes that some authors even go so far as to regard scarcity and risk as preconditions for the development of support networks, citing the study by De la Rocha (1994) as an example. The studies by Stack (1974) and Lomnitz (1977) as well as the well-known works by Lewis (e.g. 1965) on the “culture of poverty ” can be regarded as precursors of this idea. More recently: Small et al. (2010) discuss the nexus of culture and poverty .
- 26.
Etzold (2017: 53) points out that “Translocality is, however, not a given fact that automatically comes into being through migration. A translocal space rather has to be produced and reproduced actively through translocal practices.”
- 27.
This also includes efforts not to overburden existing relationships with one-sided aid requests. In situations of immediate existential danger, however, such considerations take a back seat in favor of a pure survival rationality (see Sect. 4.2) with the result that, under certain circumstances, the breakdown of relationships becomes a risk one must take.
- 28.
The sociological concept of social capital is heavily criticized due to its instrumentalization by international organizations. The concept’s use in developmental discourse is subject to well-founded critique: Ever since Loury (1977) introduced the term into social science, “social capital ” has been gaining considerable ground. Yet, it cannot be regarded as a coherent or consistent concept, since, depending on the discipline, it is applied with varying underlying meanings. Owing to these conceptional uncertainties, scholars have repeatedly suggested applying social capital with great caution. Fine (1998) even goes as far as to assume a causal connection between the analytical uncertainties and the popularity of the “chaotic” social capital approach. In discussions of development, too, the notion of social capital has become a constituent element of discourse. Especially among the international donor organizations (such as the World Bank), social capital has become a leading concept. It is considered the missing link, which promises the resolution of very different developmental problems, ranging from “poverty ” to “bad governance”. Within the social capital discourse, the positive effects are over-emphasized and the potential of the networks as resources for the poor is overstated. Hence, structural pressure upon social networks and the constraints within them are literally programmatically neglected.
- 29.
Hereafter, social capital is understood as an individual resource, according to Pierre Bourdieu (1986: 248): It is “the aggregate of the actual or potential resources which are linked to possession of a durable network of more or less institutionalized relationships of mutual acquaintance or recognition.”
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Steinbrink, M., Niedenführ, H. (2020). Vulnerability and Translocality: Why Livelihoods Become Translocal. In: Africa on the Move. Springer Geography. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-22841-5_4
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