Abstract
This chapter contributes to comparative research on migration and incorporation. It offers a reconceptualization of analytical categories of research in Toronto into migrants from four Latin American countries whose migration is characterized as forced. The authors’ initial research challenged assumptions about particular populations, similar contexts of departure, discreteness of contexts of arrival and the primacy of nationality. During fieldwork and subsequent analysis, the analytical categories were reformulated ‘on the go’. The chapter documents the reformulation of refugeeship, unpacks the contexts of departure and reception, and identifies the socio-temporal interrelationships of arrival contexts. Drawing on dynamic approaches to culture, the centrality of national differences was reframed and activist dialogues were formulated as a category for interpreting variable patterns of incorporation and transnational engagements. The chapter contributes to comparative migration studies by offering a strategy for addressing some of the challenges of methodological nationalism, while also considering the specificity of history and culture.
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Notes
- 1.
This chapter is an updated version of a chapter published in a volume edited by Anna Amelina, Devrimsel Nergiz, Thomas Faist and Nina Glick Schiller (Goldring and Landolt 2012a). The original version of the chapter was published in Spanish in a collection edited by Liliana Rivera-Sánchez and Fernando Lozano-Ascencio (2009a). The two groups of editors and participants in the workshops leading to the original publication offered valuable comments. We are particularly grateful to Liliana Rivera-Sánchez, Marie Laure Cubés, Ninna Nyberg-Sørensen, Luis Guarnizo and Anna Amelina for their comments. We also acknowledge permission granted to reprint the updated version.
- 2.
This holds in spite of a vibrant body of scholarship offering other qualitative and interpretive frameworks, including various feminist and post-colonial or de-colonizing epistemologies and methodologies, and community-based research strategies (Guba and Lincoln 2005; Carroll 2004; Wilson et al. 2011). The reasons for this disjuncture are beyond the scope of this chapter, but may be related to the contested quality of immigration politics, and the role of research in policy debates.
- 3.
Michael Lanphier (York University) was the principal investigator of the Social Cohesion project, funded by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada (2003–2006). The project gathered 12 scholars from various disciplines to study 12 ethno-national groups in Canada (online at www.yorku.ca/cohesion). We formed the Latin American Research Group (LARG) together with Judith Bernhard to study four Latin American groups in Toronto. For more on LARG, see online at: www.yorku.ca/cohesion/LARG/html/largindex2.htm.
- 4.
For information on the research questions and methods see Goldring and Landolt (2009) and Landolt and Goldring (various).
- 5.
Unlike the US, where Latin Americans dominate the foreign-born population and research on immigration, in Canada, Latin Americans are less significant on both counts. When we began, research consisted largely of case studies and work on refugee adaptation and related issues (Basok 1986; Diaz 1999; Kendall 1992; Kowalchuk 1999a, b; Kulig 1998; Simmons 1993). Research on their economic incorporation was limited, partly because of limitations in data construction, disaggregation and access (Barragan 2001; Garay 2000; Mata 1985); work on their political incorporation was nonexistent. Researchers have since begun to address these gaps. On the political participation of Latin Americans, see Schugurensky and Giginiewicz (2006), Goldring et al. (2006), Veronis (2007) and Landolt and Goldring (2009, 2010).
- 6.
- 7.
Goldring conducted exploratory research on the civic engagement of Latin Americans in Toronto with support from CERIS (CELAT project); Landolt studied Salvadorans in Los Angeles and Toronto.
- 8.
Socially expected durations (SEDs) are collectively patterned expectations about temporal durations embedded in social structures of various kinds (Merton 1984).
- 9.
Social capital is defined as the ability to secure resources by virtue of membership in social networks or larger social structures. Sources of social capital are distinguished by the presence/absence of overarching structures defining the character of the transaction and include both altruistic and instrumental sources (Portes 1998).
- 10.
- 11.
We draw on Morawska (2001), whose work on ethnicization emphasizes the multiplicity and polysemy of actors’ practices and identities.
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Goldring, L., Landolt, P. (2014). Transnational Migration and the Reformulation of Analytical Categories: Unpacking Latin American Refugee Dynamics in Toronto. In: Rivera-Sánchez, L., Lozano-Ascencio, F. (eds) The Practice of Research on Migration and Mobilities. SpringerBriefs in Environment, Security, Development and Peace(), vol 14. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-02693-0_5
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