Abstract
This strategic analysis of the body count introduces a general discussion on the measurement of war violence and excess mortality, its treatment by the media, humanitarian organisations, governments and the military, and its legal and political implications. It also examines narratives that contribute to inflate or minimize the statistics of excess mortality in armed conflicts. Emotion, the myth of a golden age, humanitarian advocacy, the political economy of the media, military propaganda, the visibility of certain battles and methodological issues all play an important role in this regard. Many factors push journalists and relief workers to choose the highest estimates of excess mortality. However, inflated figures desensitize the public to mass atrocities, encourage a dynamic where high numbers are required to justify action, and challenge the credibility of population studies and advocacy groups.
They exaggerate. The city of Balak was not reduced to ashes in a few hours but in a few days. They claim that 200 villages were burnt and there were only 99. What you call plague is only typhus. And no, it’s not true that all women were raped and girls sold as slaves; some of them could escape. Prisoners were not only emasculated, but also beheaded, so the situation is not that bad. The child who was allegedly impaled was actually hit by a bayonet. When there is one, you see two, you always double, etc. etc.
This way to dispute horror and indignation is a shame. Nothing is worst than mollifying atrocities. It is subtlety pleading for Barbary.
Victor Hugo advocating an international intervention to save the Serbs from being massacred by the Turks (Hugo 1926, p. 5 author’s translation)
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Notes
- 1.
Timisoara is no exception. In Bulgaria in 1876, 150,000 Christians were reported to have been killed by Muslims with the complicity of the Ottoman authorities. Historians now put the real figure at around 3,000. See Saab (1991, p. 24).
- 2.
On the necessity to rely on press reports to understand the narratives of violence, the perceptions of insecurity and the patterns of homicides even in developed countries, see also Roth (2009).
- 3.
- 4.
See Chap. 6 in this volume by Samrat Sinha.
- 5.
- 6.
Against this position, jurist Tristan Ferraro argues that a certain threshold of intensity contributes to define a civil war but not an international armed conflict. According to him, the mere capture of a soldier, or minor skirmishes between the forces of two or more states, are enough to lead to the applicability of the Geneva Convention s , insofar as such acts evidence a genuine belligerent intent. See Ferraro, Tristan [2014], “The applicability and application of international humanitarian law to multinational forces”, International Review of the Red Cross pp. 15–6.
- 7.
Edward Herman and David Peterson were clearly biased. In their book, they did not mention controversies about the death toll in Iraq. However they did contest the estimation of 200,000 Muslim deaths during the Bosnian war, an exaggeration which, according to them, was used as a pretext to prove the risk of genocide and justify a foreign military intervention against the Serbian socialist regime. See Herman and Peterson (2010, pp. 34–5).
- 8.
To rally public opinion, combat political manipulations and prove the existence of a famine in post-war Germany in 1919, the founder of Save the Children thus needed figures regarding the number of persons in need of aid. See Mulley (2009, p. 236).
- 9.
I thank my colleague Michel Garenne for this information.
- 10.
- 11.
- 12.
See also Pérouse de Montclos (2010).
- 13.
- 14.
Marylène Patou-Mathis, for instance, found little evidence of bellicose confrontations in available fossils before the Palaeolithic period. In the same vein, Ragnar Numelin claims that precolonial wars in Africa were rare and killed very little. There were no permanent armies but hunting parties and raiders. The fighting was local and did not last long. See Patou-Mathis (2013), Keeley (1996) and Numelin (1963).
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de Montclos, MA.P. (2016). Numbers Count: Dead Bodies, Statistics, and the Politics of Armed Conflicts. In: Pérouse de Montclos, MA., Minor, E., Sinha, S. (eds) Violence, Statistics, and the Politics of Accounting for the Dead. Demographic Transformation and Socio-Economic Development, vol 4. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-12036-2_3
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