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Introduction: Laicidad and Religious Diversity: Themes in the Debates on the Regulation of Religion in Latin America

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Laicidad and Religious Diversity in Latin America

Part of the book series: Boundaries of Religious Freedom: Regulating Religion in Diverse Societies ((BOREFRRERE,volume 6))

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Abstract

The transformations in the Latin American religious field are numerous and present diverse analytic challenges for academia, including those linked to the regulation of religions in contemporary societies. This work presents two principal challenges that are considered by the contributors to this publication in different ways. On one hand, the strong public presence of the Catholic Church, in addition to its translation into a marked identity in the Latin American population, has also imparted a strong presence of Catholicism in the political sphere. Faced with this phenomenon, societies have sought diverse ways to regulate this religious interference in politics and in the state, and academic agendas have not stayed away from this search. Whether based on empirical or normative approaches, multiple investigations have delved into the ways in which states, principally through law and formal institutions, regulate (or not) the public presence of Catholicism as well as other religions (particularly the evangelical churches) that began to acquire strength in the region. On the other hand, the diversification and pluralization of the religious field, thanks to the emergence and growth of alternative ways of believing and practicing that challenge the Catholic hegemony, suggest negotiation of the boundaries between religion and politics in renewed manners. Thinking about regulation, in this sense, implies thinking about how religions themselves compete with each other, generating mechanisms for challenging or maintaining the old hegemonies, which create forms of regulation among belief systems. Both the normative reflections and the empirical developments in laicism and the processes of laicization, as well as the debates raised by the diversification of religion, mark in one way or another a large part of the Latin American academic agenda around the intersection of religion and politics.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Perhaps a clear example of this are the geopolitics that occurred after the attack on the Twin Towers in New York City, leading to different ways of thinking about the links between religion and politics at both the national and international levels. Another example is the migratory flows that have been a relevant vector in the debate on the connections between religion and politics .

  2. 2.

    In Latin America, during recent years, academic publications and events that have laicism as a theme have increased notably. This introduction does not intend to account for them, but it does recognize their growth in academic agendas. A comprehensive compilation with international and regional articles is Da Costa (2006). See also the bibliographic resources on the website of the Ibero-American Network of Lay Freedoms (Red Iberoamericana de las Libertades Laicas), http://www.libertadeslaicas.org.mx/index.php

  3. 3.

    This diversity in the ways of defining laicidad also characterizes the debates outside the region, as an adjective tends to be included in order to further specify the concept. For example, laicidad in republican models or in democratic models, militant (anti-clerical) or management laicidad, inclusive or exclusive laicidad, and abstention or confrontation laicidad, are some examples in this vein. These dichotomies are laid out in the works of Bauberot (1994) and Willaime (2008), among others. Even the Catholic Church defends healthy laicidad (Benedict XVI, 2006).

  4. 4.

    A group of academics proposes the existence of different dimensions for generating an index of laicidad that allows for measuring the different situations of the countries in the region (Blancarte 2012a).

  5. 5.

    The most-repeated formula is the invocation of the protection of God (for example in the constitutions of Argentina , Brazil, Colombia, Honduras, Panama, and Venezuela). Other types of invocations are “putting our faith in God” (El Salvador), “invoking the name of God” (Guatemala, Paraguay), and “to almighty God” (Peru ).

  6. 6.

    The examples of these cases are multiple: the constitution of Costa Rica says in its Article 75 that “The Holy Roman Catholic Religion is that of the state, which contributes to maintaining it”; the constitution of Panama establishes in its Article 35 that “The Catholic religion is recognized as the religion of the majority of Panamanians”; Article 37 of the constitution of Guatemala and Article 26 of the constitution of El Salvador establish that “The legal personhood of the Catholic Church is recognized”; the constitution of Argentina institutes in its Article 2 that “The Federal Government maintains the Holy Roman Catholic faith”; the constitution of Peru states in its Article 50 that “The state recognizes the Catholic Church as an important element in the historical, cultural, and moral formation of Peru, and lends its collaboration”; Article 82 of the constitution of Paraguay states that “The protagonism of the Catholic Church in the historical and cultural formation of the nation is recognized.”

  7. 7.

    According to data from a regional survey by the Pew Research Center, while only 4 % of the population in the region was educated without religious affiliation, 8 % are unaffiliated, a category that includes those who self-identify as atheists or agnostics, or who have no particular religious affiliation. Without a doubt, this percentage is distributed heterogeneously in the different countries, as, for example, Uruguay is the country with the most unaffiliated population (37 %) (Pew Research Center 2014).

  8. 8.

    This process presents itself, however, with different intensities in the different countries in the region. So, while in some countries a predominantly Catholic scenario is observed, such as in Paraguay, Mexico, Colombia, Ecuador, Bolivia, Peru , Venezuela, Argentina , and Panama, Catholic affiliation in other countries represents 50% or less of the population, as seen in Uruguay (42 %), Honduras (46 %), El Salvador (50 %), Guatemala (50 %), and Nicaragua (50 %). In the case of the last four countries, the Protestant population oscillates between 36 and 41 %, almost equaling the Catholic population (Pew Research Center 2014).

  9. 9.

    For example, a survey carried out by Catholics for Choice – Peru (2010) in the city of Lima established that 64.4 % of the Catholic population considered that Catholic women could use emergency contraception; in Mexico a national survey found that only 15 % of the Catholic population thought that abortion should be prohibited in all circumstances (Catholics for Free Choice – Mexico 2010); the survey carried out by Catholics for Free Choice (2003) established that 91 % of the Catholic population of Colombia and Mexico approve of the use of condoms and contraceptive pills, a figure that is 79 % in the case of Bolivia; similarly, in Uruguay, Argentina , Mexico, and Brazil, between 50 and 59 % of the Catholic population approves of same-sex marriage (Pew Research Center 2014).

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Vaggione, J.M., Morán Faúndes, J.M. (2017). Introduction: Laicidad and Religious Diversity: Themes in the Debates on the Regulation of Religion in Latin America. In: Vaggione, J., Morán Faúndes, J. (eds) Laicidad and Religious Diversity in Latin America. Boundaries of Religious Freedom: Regulating Religion in Diverse Societies, vol 6. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-44745-2_1

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