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Between and Betwixt. Poznań in the Scalar Perspective

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Abstract

The aim of the second chapter is to present the locality in the (1) political, historical and geographical context and (2) in the scalar perspective of competition for international capital of various sorts. It discusses the historically constructed ethos of the city.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Interestingly, the “Polish case” was one of few matters the two did not agree on. Recently, Kevin B. Anderson (2010) emphasized this fact in his book Marx at the Margins. On Nationalism, Ethnicity, and Non-Western Societies. Chicago: Chicago University Press; see also review of it, “Marx for Poles” by M. Buchowski (2015).

  2. 2.

    For the sake of the length of this book I will not refer to all threads which were raised in the surveys, however appealing they are, such as the presence and characteristics of the Jewish minority in the city before World War II, or the gender issue. The latter seems particularly interesting. There was a more equal gender proportion in the earlier survey than in the one conducted in 1964: the authors of the publication interpreted the “impressive” results of the 1928 research as an effect of the recent social and political emancipation of women, and their limited participation in the poll in 1964 as a reflection of the “natural” condition of women who, obviously now much more emancipated than their mothers and grandmothers, generally show little interest in politics and public affairs (Znaniecki and Ziółkowski 1984: 11–12). More information on these and other issues can be found in Znaniecki and Ziółkowski’s publication.

  3. 3.

    Kresy in the survey referred to the far-east parts of the Second Republic (1918–1939), and, to some extent, the former Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth, which were annexed to the Soviet Union after World War II. They are now part of western Ukraine, western Belarus and eastern Lithuania.

  4. 4.

    The coding used in the 1964 survey was different to that used in 1928, where it was numerical. Now, 133 respondents were divided in three groups, represented by categories: generation I (born during the Partitions or World War I), generation II (born in the interwar period or during World War II) and generation III (born in the People’s Republic of Poland). Most of the respondents were originally from Poznań or Greater Poland, 22% migrated to the city from elsewhere (11%: no data was provided); the majority of them had secondary or higher education; women to men ratio was 38 to 95.

  5. 5.

    The dominant sector in the city’s economy is the service sector, which accounts for 70.9% of the region’s gross value added. Small business (with under 10 employees) constitute more than 95% of the total number of firms in what is termed the “creative sector”, but it is the large foreign corporations (e.g. Volkswagen, GlaxoSmithKline Pharmaceuticals, Bridgestone and Beiersdorf) that have invested a total of 12.5 billion zloties ($4.3 billion) and ensure the transfer of advanced technologies and innovations to the city (Stryjakiewicz et al. 2007: 52).

  6. 6.

    It deserves to be emphasized here that Jessop, although analysing the strengths and weaknesses of urban entrepreneurial strategies, is eager to search for alternative solutions to this model of modernization.

  7. 7.

    This discussion brings to mind the postcolonial strand of the social critique. The case of Poland and the postcommunist Eastern Europe in general can be analysed from the postcolonial perspective, see for instance: S. Chari and K. Verdery (2009) “Thinking Between the Posts: Postcolonialism, Postsocialism, and Ethnography After the Cold War” In: Comparative Studies in Society and History 51, 1, 6–34; H. Cervinkova (2012) “Postcolonialism, Postsocialism and the Anthropology of East-central Europe” In: Journal of Postcolonial Writing, 48, 2, 155–63; O. Obad (2008) “The European Union from the Postcolonial Perspective: Can the Periphery Ever Approach the Center?” In: Stud. Ethnol. Croat., vol. 20, str. 9–35. One can be even tempted to refer to Michael Herzfeld’s term of “crypto-colonialism”, see: M. Herzfeld (2002) “The Absent Presence: Discourses of Crypto-Colonialism” In: The South Atlantic Quarterly 101, 4, 899–926; but elaboration on the subject is beyond the scope of this book.

  8. 8.

    They define Poznań metropolitan region as “located within the so-called Central European banana, i.e. an area of accelerated growth. In relation to the whole of Europe, however, the growth potential of Polish cities (including Poznań) is rather small. In a report on the European Regional Economic Growth Index (EREGI) published by Jones Lang LaSalle in October 2006 and embracing 91 big cities of Europe, Poznań took 52nd place (after Warsaw, 44th, but before other Polish cities: Cracow 71st, Wroclaw 74th, Katowice 81st, Gdansk-Gdynia-Sopot 83rd, Lodz 84th, Szczecin 89th). What is worth noting, however, is the fact that among the cities of post-communist East-Central Europe Poznań was ranked sixth, recording the steepest growth in this group: in comparison with the year 2005 it had moved up by as many as 24 places (while Warsaw dropped by 23 places). The report emphasises that Poznań is not only one of the fastest- but also most evenly-growing Polish metropolises” (Stryjakiewicz et al. 2007: 23).

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  1. Department of Ethnology and Cultural Anthropology, Adam Mickiewicz University, Poznań, Poland

    Małgorzata Zofia Kowalska

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Kowalska, M.Z. (2017). Between and Betwixt. Poznań in the Scalar Perspective. In: Urban Politics of a Sporting Mega Event. Football Research in an Enlarged Europe. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-52105-3_2

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