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Justin Trudeau’s China Challenges

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Justin Trudeau and Canadian Foreign Policy

Part of the book series: Canada and International Affairs ((CIAF))

Abstract

Justin Trudeau’s Liberal government wants to reinvigorate and deepen the Canada-China relationship, which is complex, difficult, and fraught with political tensions. Significant normative differences between the two countries, particularly with respect to human rights and the conduct of international trade, lead to irritants, tension, miscommunication, and differing expectations, both between governments and among peoples. China’s own international actions often are the source of alarm as well. Managing relations with China, while advancing other key relationships and pushing an ambitious global agenda, requires a comprehensive, balanced, and strategic China policy that advances Canada’s commercial, security, and global interests while addressing issues of concern, in particular human rights and, increasingly, cyber and domestic security threats. While the Trudeau government has invested new energy and created new architecture in Canada’s ties with China, it has yet to meet the challenge of finding that critical balance.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    This comment reflects the tendency to hyperbole, both positive and negative that often continues to characterize public statements from the government of China (Valiante 2016). See, also, Wentian (2016).

  2. 2.

    See Potter (2016, 47–55).

  3. 3.

    See, for example, Massot (2016, 24–35).

  4. 4.

    Asia Pacific Foundation of Canada (2017a).

  5. 5.

    World Bank (2017), Miner (2015, 12–13).

  6. 6.

    Asia Pacific Foundation of Canada (2017b).

  7. 7.

    Ibid., 2017c. See Jin and Ostaszewski (2016).

  8. 8.

    Lambert-Racine (2016).

  9. 9.

    Global Affairs Canada (2015).

  10. 10.

    Statistics Canada (2015); ICEF Monitor (2016).

  11. 11.

    Canada’s contemplation of establishing diplomatic ties shortly after the Communist victory in 1949 had been derailed by the outbreak of the Korean War (Bild 2011, 17).

  12. 12.

    World Bank (2017), Holden (2004, 3–4).

  13. 13.

    See Evans (2014), Chap. 1, for an excellent summary of bilateral relations to 2013.

  14. 14.

    Personal observation, June 1986.

  15. 15.

    Holden (2004, 6).

  16. 16.

    Charles Burton makes this point well (Burton 2011).

  17. 17.

    Burton (2011, 38).

  18. 18.

    Paltiel (2011, 123).

  19. 19.

    Yang was promoted to foreign minister just a few days before the start of MacKay’s visit, so he was the first foreign minister to meet Yang in his new capacity.

  20. 20.

    Nossal and Sarson (2013, 10–11).

  21. 21.

    Global Affairs Canada (2013).

  22. 22.

    Burton (2006), Evans (2014, 65).

  23. 23.

    See Mulroney (2015), especially 174–176 (kindle edition).

  24. 24.

    Dobson and Evans (2016, 3).

  25. 25.

    See Evans (2011, 2014), Nossal and Sarson (2013).

  26. 26.

    Bild (2011, 13).

  27. 27.

    Frolic (2011).

  28. 28.

    Prime Minister of Canada (2016a, b), Calvert (2016a, b).

  29. 29.

    Gruetzner and Calvert (2017a, b).

  30. 30.

    Calvert (2016b).

  31. 31.

    Shambaugh (2013, 23–26).

  32. 32.

    Paltiel (2011, 117).

  33. 33.

    See Shambaugh (2013), Chap. 6, for a good discussion of this approach.

  34. 34.

    Paltiel (2011, 118).

  35. 35.

    Mulroney (2015, 289).

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Calvert, P. (2018). Justin Trudeau’s China Challenges. In: Hillmer, N., Lagassé, P. (eds) Justin Trudeau and Canadian Foreign Policy. Canada and International Affairs. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-73860-4_8

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