Abstract
This chapter aims to present a brief history of the treatment of the two ethnic minorities in the two case studies, the Kurds in Turkey and the Acehnese in Indonesia, especially since the start of democratization, which, as explained in Chap. 3, can be considered 1998 for Indonesia and 2002 for Turkey. The purpose of doing this is to provide some background for the subsequent analytical chapters that will take into account the four variables/hypotheses of the research. The chapter starts with the Kurdish issue, and its history of exclusion and securitization since the founding of the Turkish Republic, followed by recent developments in Turkish democracy and especially the recent resecuritization of the Kurdish minority. The chapter then moves on to the Acehnese issue, presenting its history between autonomization and securitization and finally the recent Indonesian autonomization of the Acehnese.
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Notes
- 1.
Elizabeth Picard, “Nation-building and minority rights in the Middle East,” in Roald, A. S. and Longva A. N. ed., Religious minorities in the Middle East: Domination, self-empowerment, accommodation (Leiden, Boston: Brill Academic, 2015).
- 2.
Ibid., p. 57.
- 3.
Will Kymlicka and Eva Pföstl, “Minority politics in the Middle East and North Africa: The prospects for transformative change,” Ethnic and Racial Studies (2015) Vol. 38, No. 14, 1–10.
- 4.
The six fundamental pillars of the Kemalist ideology (from Turkish Republic founder Mustafa Kemal Ataturk) are republicanism, populism, nationalism, secularism, statism, and reformism. See on Kemalism, among many others, Umut Azak, Islam and secularism in Turkey: Kemalism, religion and the nation state (New York: I. B. Tauris, 2010).
- 5.
See on this Ahmet T. Kuru, “Passive and Assertive Secularism: Historical Conditions, Ideological Struggles, and State Policies toward Religion,” World Politics, Volume 59, No. 4, July 2007, pp. 568–594.
- 6.
Sener Akturk, “Religion and Nationalism: Contradictions of Islamic Origins and Secular Nation-Building in Turkey, Algeria, and Pakistan,” Social Science Quarterly, 96, 3 (2015): pp. 778–806.
- 7.
Ramazan Kilinc, “International Pressure, Domestic Politics, and the Dynamics of Religious Freedom. Evidence from Turkey,” The Journal of comparative politics, Volume 46, No. 2 (January 2014): 127–145.
- 8.
Mesut Yegen, “Turkish nationalism and the Kurdish question,” Ethnic and Racial Studies, Volume 30, Issue 1 (2007) pp. 119–151.
- 9.
According to some reports, Turkey’s state of emergency following the coup made the situation with the Kurds even more repressive. For example, the Ministry of Interior seized control of 28 elected municipalities in the weeks following the coup, mostly run by the Kurdish Democratic Regions Party, in the name of saving democracy. See on this Naomi Cohen and Nuhat Mugurtay, “Kurds are paying the price of Turkey’s post-coup crackdown,” Middle East Eye, September 20, 2016. http://www.middleeasteye.net/columns/turkeys-kurdish-question-turns-new-page-894865406.
- 10.
Stephen Kinzer, Crescent and Star: Turkey between two worlds (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2008).
- 11.
Heper, for example, argues that the concept of acculturation is more proper than that of assimilation in the Kurdish case in Turkey, given the centuries of amicable relations between the state and the Kurds. See Metin Heper, State and Kurds in Turkey: The Question of Assimilation (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007).
- 12.
Mesut Yeğen, “The Kurdish question in Turkey: Denial to recognition,” in Marlies Casier and Joost Jongerden, Nationalisms and politics in Turkey: Political Islam, Kemalism, and the Kurdish issue (New York: Routledge, 2011): pp. 67–84.
- 13.
Ibid., p. 127.
- 14.
Denise Natali, The Kurds and the State: Evolving National Identity in Iraq, Turkey and Iran (Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 2005).
- 15.
Kabir Tambar: The Reckoning of Pluralism: Political Belonging and the Demands of History in Turkey (Palo Alto: Stanford University Press, 2014).
- 16.
Ibid., p. 21.
- 17.
Hurriyet Daily News, “78 percent of Gezi Park protest detainees were Alevis: Report,” November 25, 2013. Accessed September 30, 2017. http://www.hurriyetdailynews.com/78-percent-of-gezi-park-protest-detainees-were-alevis-report-.aspx?PageID=238&NID=58496&NewsCatID=341.
- 18.
Ayse Kadioğlu, “Necessity and the state of exception. The Turkish sate’s permanent war with its Kurdish citizens,” in: Riva Kastoryano ed. Turkey between nationalism and globalization (Abingdon: Routledge, 2013): 145.
- 19.
BBC News, “Turkey PM Erdogan apologizes for 1930s Kurdish killings,” November 23, 2011, http://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-15857429.
- 20.
Henri J. Barkey and Graham E. Fuller, Turkey’s Kurdish question (Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 1998): 77.
- 21.
Crisis Group, Turkey’s PKK Conflict: The Death Toll, July 20, 2016, accessed September 30, 2017, https://www.crisisgroup.org/europe-central-asia/western-europemediterranean/turkey/turkey-s-pkk-conflict-death-toll.
- 22.
Human Rights Watch, Turkey Report, March 2005, p. 3, accessed September 30, 2017, https://www.hrw.org/reports/2005/turkey0305/3.htm#_Toc97005223.
- 23.
Internal Displacement Monitoring Center, Turkey: Internal displacement in brief, as of December 2013, accessed February 12, 2016, http://www.internal-displacement.org/europe-the-caucasus-and-central-asia/turkey/summary.
- 24.
Akin Unver, Turkey’s Kurdish question: Discourse and politics since 1990 (London: Routledge, 2015) p. 98.
- 25.
Hurriyet Daily News, “Turkish President Ozal’s death suspicious,” June 13, 2012, accessed September 30, 2017, http://www.hurriyetdailynews.com/turkish-president-ozals-death-suspicious-state-audit-board-.aspx?pageID=238&nID=23053&NewsCatID=338.
Rasim Ozan Kutahyali, “Who Poisoned Former Turkish President Ozal?,” Al Monitor, August 22, 2013, accessed September 30, 2017. https://www.al-monitor.com/pulse/originals/2013/08/turkey-president-ozal-poisoned.html.
- 26.
Ali B. Soner, “The Justice and Development Party’s policies towards non-Muslim minorities in Turkey,” Journal of Balkan and Near Eastern Studies 12, no. 1 (2010): 23–40.
- 27.
Bülent Aras and Rabia Karakaya Polat, “From Conflict to Cooperation: Desecuritization of Turkey’s Relations with Syria and Iran,” Security Dialogue 39(5) (2008): p. 499.
- 28.
Hakan Yavuz, “Five Stages of the Construction of Turkish Nationalism in Turkey,” Nationalism and Ethnic Politics 7(3) (2001): 1–24.
- 29.
David Romano, “The long road toward Kurdish accommodation in Turkey: The role of elections and international pressures,” Ch. 9 in Jacques Bertrand and Oded Haklai (eds.) Democratization and Ethnic Minorities: Conflict or Compromise? (Abingdon: Routledge, 2014): 175–176.
- 30.
Özlem Pusane, “Turkey’s Kurdish Opening: Long Awaited Achievements and Failed Expectations,” Turkish Studies 15(1) (2014): 81–99.
- 31.
Tarik Oğuzlu, “Soft Power in Turkish Foreign Policy,” Australian Journal of International Affairs 61(1) (2007): 81–97.
- 32.
See on this Abdullah Ocalan’s three-phase Road Map, Partiya Karkeren Kurdistan, accessed September 30, 2017, http://www.pkkonline.com/en/index.php?sys=article&artID=114. See also Akin Unver, Turkey’s Kurdish question: Discourse and politics since 1990 (London: Routledge, 2015) p. 160.
- 33.
Hugh Pope, “Turkey, Syria and Saving the PKK Peace Process,” The International Crisis Group, December 10, 2014, accessed September 30, 2017, http://www.crisisgroup.org/en/regions/europe/turkey cyprus/turkey/op-ed/pope-turkey-syria-and-saving-the-pkk-peace-process.aspx.
- 34.
International Crisis Group, “Turkey and the PKK: Saving the Peace Process,” Europe Report No. 234, November 6, 2014, accessed September 30, 2017, http://www.crisisgroup.org/en/regions/europe/turkey-cyprus/turkey/234-turkey-and-the-pkk-saving-the-peace-process.aspx.
- 35.
Human Rights Watch, December 22, 2015, Turkey: Mounting Security Operation Deaths, Scores of Civilians Among Hundreds Killed in Southeast, accessed September 30, 2017, https://www.hrw.org/news/2015/12/22/turkey-mounting-security-operation-deaths.
- 36.
Gunes Murat Tezcur, “Prospects for Resolution of the Kurdish Question: A Realist Perspective,” Insight Turkey, accessed September 30, 2017, http://file.insightturkey.com/Files/Pdf/15_2_2013_tezcur.pdf.
- 37.
Bernard Lewis, “Why Turkey Is the only Muslim Democracy,” Middle East Quarterly, March 1994, pp. 41–49.
- 38.
Adam Przeworski, Michael E. Alvarez, Jose Antonio Cheibub, and Fernando Limongi, Democracy and development: Political institutions and well-being in the world, 1950–1990 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000).
- 39.
From: “World Economic Outlook,” April 2012, Turkish Statistical Institute, retrieved September 30, 2017, http://www.propertyturkey.tv/Pages.aspx?ID=2.
- 40.
Al Jazeera, “Timeline: Turkey’s Ergenegon trial,” August 5, 2013, accessed September 30, 2017, http://www.aljazeera.com/news/europe/2013/08/20138512358195978.html.
The Economist, “Justice or revenge?,” August 10, 2013, accessed September 30, 2017, http://www.economist.com/news/europe/21583312-harsh-verdicts-are-handed-down-ergenekon-trial-justice-or-revenge.
- 41.
E. P. Licursi, “The Ergenekon Case and Turkey’s Democratic Aspirations,” Freedom House, February 7, 2012, accessed September 30, 2017, https://freedomhouse.org/blog/ergenekon-case-andturkey%E2%80%99s-democratic-aspirations.
- 42.
Ted Piccone, Five Rising Democracies and the Fate of the International Liberal Order (Washington: Brooking Institution Press, 2016): p. 185.
- 43.
Tim Arango, “Turkish Leader, Using Conflicts, Cements Power,” New York Times, October 31, 2014 accessed September 30, 2017, http://www.nytimes.com/2014/11/01/world/europe/Erdogan-uses-conflict-to-consolidatepower.html?emc=edit_th_20141101&nl=todaysheadlines&nlid=41699871&_r=1.
- 44.
The Gulen movement is a religious and social movement, with a strong impact in education, both nationally and internationally, guided by a Turkish Islamic scholar Fethullah Gulen. At the beginning of the AKP government, Gulen was a supporter and friend of Erdogan but over time the relationship deteriorated. See the next chapter, which deals with the relationship between these two elites. Today Gulen is exiled in the USA, the movement is referred to by the Turkish government as the Gülenist Terror Organization (FETO), accused by Erdogan of being a “parallel state” that aims to weaken the AKP government (for example, Erdogan has blamed Gulen’s followers for orchestrating the 2013 government corruption scandal). Also a state administrator has been running the Gulen newspaper, the only antigovernment newspaper, Today’s Zaman, since March 2016.
- 45.
Stephen Kinzer, Crescent and Star: Turkey between two worlds (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2008), xiv.
- 46.
Kathleen Cavanaugh and Edel Hughes, “A Democratic Opening? The AKP and the Kurdish Left,” Muslim World Journal of Human Rights, De Gruyter; 12(1): 53–74 (2015).
- 47.
European Commission, Turkey 2017 Report, accessed September 30, 2017, https://ec.europa.eu/neighbourhood-enlargement/sites/near/files/pdf/key_documents/2016/20161109_report_turkey.pdf.
- 48.
Ibid., 6.
- 49.
Ibid., 9.
- 50.
Ibid., 28.
- 51.
Ibid., 10.
- 52.
Ceylan Yeginsu, “Strikes on Kurd Militias Elevate Tensions in Turkey,” New York Times, July 26, 2015, accessed September 30, 2017, http://www.nytimes.com/2015/07/27/world/europe/heightened-tensions-in-turkey-afterstrikes-on-kurdish-militants-in-iraq.html.
Sarah Almuhtar and Tim Wallace, “Why Turkey Is Fighting the Kurds Who Are Fighting ISIS,” New York Times, August 12, 2015, accessed September 30, 2017, http://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2015/08/12/world/middleeast/turkey-kurds isis.html.
- 53.
The Economist, “Turkish extremism. Heightening the contradictions,” October 17, 2015.
- 54.
Kareem Shaheen, “Turkish election campaign unfair say international monitors,” The Guardian, November 2, 2015.
- 55.
Even though to make constitutional changes, which require either two-thirds of Parliament or 331 MPs plus a referendum (AKP got 316 MPs), the AKP needed the support of other parliamentarians and had to win a referendum.
- 56.
Dominique Soguel, “Residents Return to Turkish Town of Cizre, Find It Destroyed,” ABC News, March 2, 2016, accessed September 30, 2017, http://abcnews.go.com/International/wireStory/turkey-rolls-back-curfew-kurdish-town-37327505.
- 57.
For the reconstruction of these towns there is a crowd-funding campaign. See Room4life in Turkey, accessed September 30, 2017, https://www.generosity.com/emergencies-fundraising/room4life-in-turkey-support-rebuilding-sur-cizre.
- 58.
Dominique Soguel, “Rights group urges Turkey to stop ‘abusive’ use of force in Kurdish areas, investigate deaths,” Associated Press/US News, 22 December, 2015, accessed September 30, 2017, http://www.usnews.com/news/world/articles/2015-12-22/rights-group-civilian-deaths-rise-in-turkeys-kurdish-areas.
- 59.
Derya Bayir, 2014, “The role of the judicial system in the politicide of the Kurdish opposition,” in Gunes C. and Zeydanlioglu W. ed., The Kurdish question in Turkey: New perspectives on violence, representation and reconciliation (Abingdon: Routledge, 2014).
- 60.
The KCK, Koma Civakên Kurdistan, or Group of Communities in Kurdistan, was an organization founded to put into practice Öcalan’s ideology of Democratic Confederalism. Thousands of people were arrested, on dubious charges of propaganda of a “terrorist organization.”
- 61.
After the HDP won seats in Parliament in June 2015, its 80 parliamentarians elected had been reported by Erdogan to the judiciary on an accusation of supporting terrorism so that they would lose immunity and be processed. See Roberta Zunini, “Demirtas: la violenza? È colpa di Erdogan. Parla il leader del partito filo-curdo,” L’Espresso, August 13, 2015.
- 62.
BBC, “Turkey pro-Kurd HDP party condemns arrest of leaders,” accessed September 30, 2017, http://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-37875605.
- 63.
Nicole Watts, Activists in office: Kurdish politics and protest in Turkey (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2010).
- 64.
Human Rights Watch, Protesting as a Terrorist Offense: The Arbitrary Use of Terrorism Laws to Prosecute and Incarcerate Demonstrators in Turkey, November 1, 2010, accessed September 30, 2017, https://www.hrw.org/report/2010/11/01/protesting-terrorist-offense/arbitrary-use-terrorism-laws-prosecute-and.
- 65.
International Crisis Group, “Turkey: The PKK and a Kurdish Settlement,” ICG Europe Report No. 219, September 11, 2012, accessed September 30, 2017, http://www.crisisgroup.org/en/regions/europe/turkey cyprus/turkey/219-turkey-the-pkk-and-a-kurdish-settlement.aspx.
- 66.
Suspected members of the Revolutionary People’s Liberation Party-Front (a Marxist party in Turkey considered a terrorist group) took prosecutor Kiraz hostage demanding that the police announce the names of members of the security services who they said were connected to the death of a young boy during Gezi Park protests. The police intervened and the lawyer was killed as a result of the operation.
- 67.
Erdogan accused the PKK of carrying out the killing, but many people protested in the capital declaring it a “homicide of the regime,” as there was no reason why the PKK should have killed someone who was legitimizing the PKK itself.
- 68.
Elizabeth Redden, “Turkish Academy Under Attack,” Inside Higher Education, February 12, 2016, accessed September 30, 2017. https://www.insidehighered.com/news/2016/02/12/more-1000-turkish-scholars-are-under-criminal-investigation-signing-petition.
- 69.
The Guardian, “Turkey detains editor and staff at opposition Cumhuriyet newspaper,” October 31, accessed September 30, 2017, https://www.theguardian.com/world/2016/oct/31/turkey-detains-editor-and-staff-at-opposition-cumhuriyet-newspaper.
- 70.
Ashutosh Varshney, “Nationalism, Ethnic Conflict, and Rationality,” Perspective on Politics, 1 (1), 2003, pp. 85–100.
- 71.
Benedict Anderson, Language and Power: Exploring Political Cultures in Indonesia (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1990) p. 119.
- 72.
Olle Törnquist, “Dynamics of peace and democratization. The Aceh lessons,” Democratization, 18: 3 (2010) 823–846.
- 73.
Larry Niksch, “Indonesian separatist movement in Aceh,” in E. McFlynn, Economics and Geopolitics of Indonesia (New York: Nova Science Publishers, 2002); Larry Niksch, “Indonesian Separatist Movement in Aceh,” CRS Report for Congress. January 12, 2001.
- 74.
Edward Aspinall, Islam and nation: Separatist rebellion in Aceh, Indonesia (Palo Alto: Stanford University Press, 2009).
- 75.
Anthony, Reid, ed., Verandah of Violence: The Background to the Aceh Problem (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2006).
Sultan Barakat, David Connolly, and Judith Large, “Winning and Losing in Aceh: Five Key Dilemmas in Third-Party Intervention,” Civil Wars, 5, no. 4, (2002): 1–29.
Kirsten E. Schulze, “The Free Aceh Movement (GAM): Anatomy of a Separatist Organization,” Policy Studies, No. 2 (Washington DC: East-West Center, September 2004).
- 76.
Ibid.
- 77.
Leo Suryadinata, The making of Southeast Asian Nations: State, ethnicity, indigenism and citizenship (Singapore: World Scientific, 2015) p. 149.
- 78.
According to someone, he was a descendent of the last sultan of Aceh before the Dutch conquer; according to others, he was the eighth-generation descendant of the great di Tiro family of ulemas (religious leaders). Whatever the truth may be, he was an aristocrat and Western-educated businessman.
- 79.
Michael Ross, Oil, Drugs, and Diamonds: How Do Natural Resources Vary in Their Impact on Civil War? (New York: International Peace Academy, Project on Economic Agendas in Civil Wars, June 5, 2002).
- 80.
Eric Morris, Islam and Politics in Aceh: A Study of Center-Periphery Relations in Indonesia. Unpublished PhD dissertation, Cornell University, 1983.
Kenneth Conboy, Kopassus: Inside Indonesia’s Special Forces (Sheffield: Equinox Publishing, 2002).
- 81.
Michael L. Ross, Resources and Rebellion in Aceh, Indonesia, The World Bank (2007).
- 82.
Tim Kell, The roots of Acehnese rebellion 1989–1992 (Ithaca: Cornell Modern Indonesia Project, 1995).
- 83.
Jacques Bertrand and Sanjay Jeram, “Democratization and determinants of ethnic violence: The rebel-moderate organization nexus,” Ch. 6 in Jacques Bertrand and Oded Haklai (eds.) Democratization and Ethnic Minorities: Conflict or Compromise? (Abingdon: Routledge, 2014): p. 112.
- 84.
“Regional autonomy in Indonesia,” IDEA International, accessed September 30, 2017: http://www.idea.int/publications/country/upload/6_regional_autonomy.pdf.
- 85.
Christopher R. Duncan, “Mixed Outcomes: The Impact of Regional Autonomy and Decentralization on Indigenous Ethnic Minorities in Indonesia,” Development and Change, 38, 4 (July 2007): 711–733.
- 86.
Vedi R. Hadiz, “Decentralization and Democracy in Indonesia: A Critique of Neo-Institutionalist Perspectives,” Development and Change, 35, 4, (September 2004): 697–718.
- 87.
Henk Schulte Nordholt, “Decentralisation in Indonesia: Less State, More Democracy?” in Politicising Democracy The New Local Politics of Democratisation, edited by Harriss, J., Stokke, K., Törnquist, Olle, p. 29/50 (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005).
- 88.
During the Helsinki negotiations, Indonesia didn’t want to discuss independence, and GAM rejected autonomy, so “self-government” was agreed to as a workable compromise. See on this Nur Djuli and Nurdin Abdul Rahman, “Reconfiguring politics: The Indonesia-Aceh peace process,” Conciliation Resources, Accord Issue: 20, 2008.
- 89.
Jennifer Robinson, “The UN’s chequered record in West Papua,” Al Jazeera, 3/21/2012, accessed September 30, 2017, http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/opinion/2012/03/201232172539145809.html.
- 90.
Mohshin Habib, “Sharia Law Swallowing Indonesia,” Gatestone Institute, February 7, 2013, accessed September 30, 2017, http://www.gatestoneinstitute.org/3579/indonesia-sharia.
- 91.
Edward Aspinall, Ben Hillman, and Peter McCawley, Governance and capacity-building in post-crisis Aceh, a report by Australian National University Enterprise, UNDP, Jakarta, 2012.
- 92.
Rodd McGibbon, “Local leadership and the Aceh conflict,” in A. Reid (ed.) Verandah of violence: The background to the Aceh problem (Seattle: University of Washington Press 2006).
- 93.
Ibid. See also: Jacques Bertrand, Nationalism and ethnic conflict in Indonesia (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004).
- 94.
Angel Rabasa and John Haseman, The military and democracy in Indonesia: Challenges, politics and power, RAND, National Security Research Division, 2002, p. 103.
- 95.
Bertil Lintner, “Centrifugal Forces Stir in Indonesia,” Jane’s Intelligence Review, May 31, 2000, accessed September 30, 2017, https://www.library.ohiou.edu/indopubs/2000/05/31/0002.html.
- 96.
Ibid.
- 97.
Ibid.
- 98.
Rabasa and Haseman, The military and democracy in Indonesia, 2002.
- 99.
Olle Törnquist, “Dynamics of peace and democratization. The Aceh lessons,” 2010, p. 832.
- 100.
Edward Aspinall, “The Helsinki Agreement: A More Promising Basis for Peace in Aceh?,” Policy Studies 20, Washington, DC: East-West Center, 2005.
- 101.
Rabasa and Haseman, The military and democracy in Indonesia, 2002, p. 112.
- 102.
An interesting comparison would be with the West Papua region, where the moderate faction, supported by the local Christian bishops (West Papua is majority Christian) and stronger than the rebels, assumed leadership. But today the region, divided into two provinces, has a flawed autonomy and the discontented people keep the conflict going.
- 103.
Olle Törnquist, “Dynamics of peace and democratization. The Aceh lessons,” 2010.
- 104.
Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International estimated that between 10,000 and 20,000 people were killed.
- 105.
“Memorandum of Understanding between the Government of the Republic of Indonesia and the Free Aceh Movement,” CMI, 2006, accessed September 30, 2017, http://www.acehpeaceprocess.net/pdf/mou_final.pdf.
- 106.
Today there are still many problems of corruption, internal conflict, and other issues, both inside the Aceh party (former GAM party) and in the other smaller Acehnese parties, but the important thing is that they are functioning.
- 107.
Yuji Uesugigi, Peacebuilding and Security Sector Governance in Asia, LIT Verlag, Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces (DCAF) 2014, p. 34.
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Geri, M. (2018). Securitization and Autonomization in Turkey and Indonesia: A Brief History and Review of the Period of Democratization. In: Ethnic Minorities in Democratizing Muslim Countries. Minorities in West Asia and North Africa. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-75574-8_4
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