Abstract
The chapter focuses on the reemergence of grassroots civic engagement in contemporary Poland. The national internet pro-voting campaigns and local watchdog websites show a departure from a detached and clientelistic approach to the state; rather, they point at people’s desire for civic engagement. While national internet pro-voting campaigns focus on encouraging people to cast their ballot, local watchdog websites provide independent news and offer space for discussion on local governments. They provide anonymity for people to discuss matters of public concern without the fear of being harassed by the authorities, yet with online visibility that has the power to influence them. I argue that these websites are public spaces where shared notions of a common good become visible and practiced. The Polish cases are put into broader perspective by looking at the influential role of the Rock the Vote campaigns, which succeeded in engaging young voters in the United States.
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Notes
- 1.
- 2.
Putnam writes that civic organizations developed by people who interact in different local social contexts foster a sense of mutual responsibility between citizens; see Putnam (1993, p. 173 f.). Benjamin Barber makes a somewhat similar argument when writing about “strong democracy ,” in which individuals in local communities engage in a “creative consensus.” See Barber (1984).
- 3.
For example, scholars gave lectures at the Flying University (Latający Uniwersytet), which were hosted at frequently changing locations. A number of independent publishing houses, such as NOWA, Krytyka, and Christian intellectual magazines, including Więź, were circulated in limited numbers. Finally, the Committee for Workers’ Defense (Komitet Obrony Robotników ) was established by dissidents to help families of workers who had been arrested after protesting against price hikes announced by the Communist government. See, for example, Goldfarb (1982), Beem (1999), Matynia (2009), Friszke (2011). However, Ekiert et al. (2017) emphasize that although civil society was largely inexistent in Poland at the time, the associational sphere, which included cultural, leisure, and sports organizations, was strongly present.
- 4.
This idea was formulated by Václav Havel in The Power of the Powerless in 1978; see Havel (2010).
- 5.
As Adam Michnik writes, Leszek Kołakowski stressed the role of human dignity in Hope and Hopelessness, published in 1971; Michnik emphasized the importance of free associations in his essay New Evolutionism, written in 1976; see Michnik (1985).
- 6.
See also Goldfarb’s recent interpretation of Arendt’s idea of political power in relation to the Solidarity movement: Goldfarb (2006).
- 7.
Interestingly, this approach has recently become the object of heated discussions in major media in Poland after the social thinker and participant in the 1989 Round Table talks Marcin Król confessed in an interview titled We Were Foolish that the post-1989 political, economic, and social reforms paid little attention to people whose situation worsened as a result of the transformation . See Sroczyński and Król (2014), Król (2015).
- 8.
Nowak’s article, System wartości społeczeństwa polskiego, was originally published in 1979; see Nowak (2011, p. 273). An edited version of the text, titled Values and Attitudes of the Polish People, was published in Scientific American in 1981.
- 9.
Szacki described this mix as “civil nationalism”; see Szacki (1997, p. 42).
- 10.
It is perhaps ironic that Maria Ossowska, a distinguished Polish philosopher, formulated principles for the Polish civil society already in 1946, as though anticipating the coming era of homogenization and suppression of freedom that came when Poland was forced to become part of the Soviet Bloc. The guidelines for the “model citizen” included such qualities as individual and social striving for excellence, or “perfectionism,” open-mindedness, tolerance, engaging in activities to benefit others, civil courage, intellectual honesty, responsibility, respectfulness, as well as a sense of humor. See Ossowska (1983, p. 357 f).
- 11.
The survey-based research focused on students from the University of Warsaw and Warsaw University of Technology. Their opinions were analyzed as indicators of general attitudes in Polish society. See Grabowska and Sułek (1992).
- 12.
The article was originally published in 1983.
- 13.
Poles still consider it the highest duty, unlike, for instance, paying taxes or voting in elections. See CBOS (2013).
- 14.
Voter turnout in national elections in Poland is rarely higher than 50%; the EU average is around 70%; see Eurostat (2017).
- 15.
The 1993 parliamentary elections were held after the government led by Hanna Suchocka, a broad coalition of anti-Communist parties , was overthrown by a single vote in a no-confidence vote for the government. Anna Grzymała-Busse, a political scientist who has written about post-Communist parties in Central-Eastern Europe, argues that the post-Communists—who began defining themselves as social democrats—succeeded in regaining power because they managed to brand themselves as the sensible guarantors of stability at a time of major economic and geopolitical upheavals. See Grzymała-Busse (2004).
- 16.
Paradoxically, the post-Communist party was a beneficiary of the reforms, as it managed to keep a significant part of real estate—previously state-owned—that had been used as party offices.
- 17.
The French historian Pierre Rosanvallon characterizes such shifts from democracy to what he calls “counter-democracy” and “unpolitical democracy,” as limited civic-oriented activities boiled down to judging and vetoing the government. Even though the scholar describes older Western-European democracies, the Polish clientelistic attitudes seem to fit his model well. See Rosanvallon (2008, 2011).
- 18.
OECD Better Life Index, which aggregates criteria including income, civic engagement and work-life balance, also indicates improvements in the short timespan between 2011, the year the index was created, and 2016. See http://www.oecdbetterlifeindex.org/countries/poland/
- 19.
Paradoxically, despite Law and Justice’s open hostility toward the European Union , after two years of the party’s rule, Poles still want to maintain strong ties with the EU and make abortion laws less restrictive. See Janicki (2017).
- 20.
I use the broad term “populist parties” to describe right-wing, nationalist, Euroskeptic, and xenophobic parties in Poland.
- 21.
The Institute of National Remembrance, a special state-funded research institution that focuses on the study of crimes committed by the Communist government, was established thanks to a bill passed by the Polish parliament at the end of 1998, nine years after the democratic transition. An archive with documents created by the Communist secret police, and a public body with power to pronounce whether someone was a collaborator of the Communist secret police, the Institute quickly grew famous for its support of right-wing politicians, particularly from the Law and Justice party, providing them with unverified documents slandering their political opponents.
- 22.
The paradox was that some of the members of these populist parties had taken part in the Round Table talks (e.g. Jarosław Kaczyński , the leader of Law and Justice) or had been members of the Communist Party (e.g. Andrzej Lepper, the leader of Samooobrona).
- 23.
This success of the governing coalition is often explained as the result of people’s fear of the return of Law and Justice.
- 24.
In doing so, Law and Justice members tend to ignore the fact that several prominent members of the Civic Platform died in the plane crash as well.
- 25.
An example of the Civic Platform’s lack of touch with the low standards of living faced by many young people in Poland was an exchange between then president Komorowski and a teenager in Warsaw before the second round of the 2015 presidential elections. The boy asked how his sister is supposed to buy an apartment if she makes only 2,000 zlotys (580 dollars) per month. Komorowski’s answer was that she should find a different job and take out a bank loan, thus proving that he was unaware both of the tough job market for young people and of the impossibility of getting a loan to buy real estate with such low wages. In comparison, in 2015, the median monthly wage in Warsaw was around 3,800 zlotys (1,100 dollars), the highest in Poland (Szeremeta 2016).
- 26.
The name of the organization is an allusion to the 1970s Workers’ Defense Committee (KOR), mentioned in the previous chapter.
- 27.
See the organization’s manifesto: http://www.kod.ngo/kod-who-is-who/aboutkod/
- 28.
Szawiel noted that, in the European Values Study held in 1998 and 2008, Poles, compared to Western-European countries, were less likely to strongly agree that “[d]emocracy may have problems but it’s better than any other form of government” (Szawiel 2011; European Values Study, EVS – 2008 Poland Field Questionnaire 2010/37).
- 29.
As a result of the Law and Justice government’s undermining of the independence of the judiciary, in December 2017, the European Council decided to trigger Article 7.1 of the EU Treaty—for the first time in the history of the European Union —which may result in Poland being stripped of its voting rights. See the official statement: http://europa.eu/rapid/press-release_IP-17-5367_en.htm
- 30.
See the organizations’ websites: http://www.kod.ngo/; http://www.akcjademokracja.pl/; http://strajkkobiet.eu/
- 31.
From 2001 to 2004, Jerzy Hausner held several ministerial posts in the center-left government led by the post-Communist Democratic Left Alliance (SLD); he was also the author of major economic reforms in post-1989 Poland.
- 32.
The first grassroots pro-voting campaign Wybieram .pl was launched already in 2005, but its visibility was largely limited to a small number of cafés in the country’s capital.
- 33.
- 34.
At present, almost 76% Poles currently have access to the internet; see Czapiński and Panek (2015).
- 35.
I conducted the interviews in 2011 and 2012; they were between one and two hours long.
- 36.
According to a 2008 study on Rock the Vote television campaigns, the organization indeed proved successful in swaying young people to vote. See Green and Vavreck (2008).
- 37.
However, a 2014 survey shows otherwise: only 36% of adult Americans can name the three branches of the government, while over 40% neither know which party controls the House of Representatives nor the Senate. See The Annenberg Public Policy Center (2014).
- 38.
“Głos” in the Polish language means both “vote” and “voice,” hence the name of the organization could also be translated as “You have a voice, you have a choice.”
- 39.
To commemorate the deceased president and 95 other persons who died in the plane crash, a ten-feet-tall wooden cross was planted in front of the Presidential Palace in Warsaw on April 10, 2010. It quickly became a place of protest for the supporters of Law and Justice, who accused the Civic Platform–led government of murder and treason. The so-called defenders of the cross refused to change the location of the cross and guarded it to prevent its removal. For them it was a symbol of the deceased president as a national martyr, betrayed by the treacherous Civic Platform. The Church refused to take a definite stance on the politicized Christian symbol, and it was with much difficulty that the cross was moved to the Presidential Palace’s chapel five months later. However, after the 2015 elections the site became a place of so-called Miesięcznice (Monthlies), meetings on the tenth day of each month to commemorate the dead president. During these gatherings, the space and part of the street, located in a major historical and tourist area in Warsaw, were fenced off and guarded by the police, giving the site an unwelcoming look. The Monthlies ended after the official monument was unveiled on Piłsudski Square nearby, on April 10, 2018, eight years after the plane crash.
- 40.
Nasza Klasa, now NK.pl, was a hugely successful local interpretation of the American website, Classmates.com. At the peak of its popularity in 2010, it had over 14 million members. After it introduced intrusive advertising and changes in privacy regulations that year, many of its users turned to Facebook, its main competitor.
- 41.
Again, the name could also be translated into “Your Voice is Meaningful.”
- 42.
Project Vote Smart was founded by Richard Kimball, an unsuccessful Democratic candidate for a seat in the Senate in 1989 . The idea turned into a nationwide project during the presidential and gubernatorial campaigns in 1992. The non-profit, non-partisan organization researches and distributes information about the candidates and elected officials, including their biographies, campaign finances, performance, issue positions, and voting records. Project Vote Smart’s “Vote Easy,” launched in 2010, is a website that provides information on local candidates based on voters’ zip codes.
- 43.
Papacharissi, in her studies on media and communication, notes that this is a more widespread phenomenon: “declining voter turnouts and similar acts of political disinterest in conventional political habits are interpreted as cynicism or apathy, while other acts of political interest and engagement, such as blogging or ‘digging’ news stories, do no register on the institutionalized radar of formalized political behaviors.” See Papacharissi (2010, p. 18).
- 44.
The researchers studied local websites in villages and towns with no more than 20,000 residents. See Danielewicz and Mazurek (2012).
- 45.
For example, an article about the possible resignation of the town mayor in Kalwaria Zebrzydowska in 2011 was commented upon almost 400 times; see http://kalwaria.home.pl/naszakalwaria/index.php/kultura/285.html
- 46.
At the same time, these local websites are different from “narcissistic” opinion blogs that offer personal comments in place of balanced information. Unlike blogs, local portals are platforms where information, not just opinion, can be shared and discussed. See, for example, Sunstein (2007), Hindman (2009), Tewksbury and Rittenberg (2009), Papacharissi (2009, 2010, 2015), Boczkowski and Mitchelstein (2013), Highfield (2016).
- 47.
For example, an article about candidates competing for the position of the director of a local cultural center sparked a discussion about nepotism in the election process, which led to the resignation of one of the election committee members. The discussion in the comments section revealed there had been an unofficial meeting during which special arrangements were made about the choice of the candidates. See http://stacja-tluszcz.pl/?p=8959
- 48.
For example, discussion on missing stores and a new road crossing in Wronki was held on their (now moved) local website, Wronczanie.pl. See archived version: http://mojewronki.pl/2011/08/jakiego-sklepu-we-wronkach-wedlug-was-brakuje/
- 49.
I do not use the term “citizen journalism,” since local internet watchdogs do not necessarily focus on news making per se. Instead, they often publish reports and video streams from meetings of local authorities, and official information from the local governing bodies, while also providing opinion and space for discussion.
- 50.
See, for example, discussion about an illegal hire at a local culture, tourism, and sports center, http://kalwaria.home.pl/naszakalwaria/index.php/reklama/836.html
- 51.
The discussion was held on Wronczanie.pl.
- 52.
Gazeta.pl is owned by Agora S.A., the publisher of “Gazeta Wyborcza ” daily. Gazeta.pl is clearly linked to the daily, and many unfavorable, or plainly insulting, comments are targeted at the newspaper. Onet.pl belongs to Ringier Axel Springer Poland, which owns, among others, the biggest Polish tabloid, “Fakt”. See also Troszyński (2012).
- 53.
See, for example, http://stacja-tluszcz.pl/?p=8959
- 54.
This definition, widely used in discussions on watchdogs in Poland, was formulated by the Polish Helsinki Foundation for Human Rights in Poland, founded in 1989 . See Batko-Tołuć and Izdebski (2012, p. 2).
- 55.
Interestingly, many of the listed portals, which focus on local communities, provide links to the vote-smart project I Have a Right to Know.
- 56.
See cached information from the website: https://plus.google.com/103953912275316629923
- 57.
See Danielewicz and Mazurek, Technospołecznicy: rozkwit mediów lokalnych, 2012. On average, the website had almost 500 visitors each day, which was around 12.5% of the population (information from Google statistics; based on personal communication with the website administrators).
- 58.
However, in contrast to the arguments formulated in the article, the commenters noted that only few parents were in fact interested in the preschool, and that a nearby elementary school also offered day care for younger children.
- 59.
Until the website was closed, the tourist section was visited by roughly 50 people a day, which is ten times less than the closed news section (information from Google statistics; based on personal communication with the website administrators).
- 60.
For example, in 2013, the website actively reported on the court case of the new town mayor, who refused to reveal his wages, despite a legal obligation to do so. He lost his case in court. See http://naszakalwaria.pl/index.php/kalwaria/701-sd-burmistrz-musi-ujawni-swoje-zarobki.html
- 61.
The site has since moved to MojeWronki.pl (My Wronki).
- 62.
The website is visited by over 1,000 people daily, at times reaching 2,000; this is roughly 10% to 20% of the local population (information from Google statistics; based on personal communication with the website administrators).
- 63.
The Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement was formulated to provide an international framework to protect intellectual property. It quickly became the subject of heavy criticism for infringing basic rights of people while favoring big music , film, and medical companies. After several EU member states signed the treaty, protests were held in major cities in Europe. However, in order for ACTA to come into effect in the European Union , it had to be re-signed by the European Parliament. After several months of negotiations that took place after the protests, the treaty was rejected in July 2012.
- 64.
On average, more than 100 people visit the site each day, which is over 10% of the local population (information based on personal communication with the website administrators).
- 65.
In Poland, villages receive money from communes (gmina) that include a number of villages, and conflicts over funds given to one village and not the other are commonplace.
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Chmielewska-Szlajfer, H. (2019). National Internet Pro-voting Campaigns and Local Watchdog Websites: Practicing Civil Society Online. In: Reshaping Poland’s Community after Communism. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-78735-0_4
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