Abstract
To be successful, entertainment managers need to have a good understanding of consumer behavior and how consumers make decisions. At the heart of this chapter is the sensations-familiarity framework that argues that the success of an entertainment product always hinges on the delicate balance between offering enough fresh sensations to be intriguing to the consumer while connecting to things that the consumer already cares about (i.e., familiarity). Further, their hedonic nature demands that entertainment products must connect to consumers’ emotions and create imagery that enables the fulfillment of specific motives such as escapism. Essential for such fulfillment is that consumers get transported, are immersed, or experience a state of flow. To conclude the chapter, we tie all of these concepts into a unified process model to help managers understand how consumers make decisions about the consumption of entertainment, either in isolation or as part of a group.
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Notes
- 1.
We have to concede that, although pleasure is the desired state behind almost all kinds of entertainment consumption, it can be complemented by another fundamental motivation: a purely social one. Lee and Lee (1995) find that TV viewing can be driven by people’s interest in talking with others about the program, and our own results (from Pähler vor der Holte and Hennig-Thurau 2016) show that the ability to chat with others during and after watching a new drama series is a driving force for consumption. Similarly, Schäfer and Sedlmeier (2009) show that music provides “the opportunity to meet other people,” and Yee (2006) finds for games (where the product itself can connect consumers) that socializing and being with other MMOG players are influential motivations. In all these cases, the value of consuming an entertainment product is not solely determined by the pleasure the product itself provides, but the product rather serves as a vehicle for experiencing fundamental social needs. It is entertainment’s symbolic nature that makes it so well-suited to offer not only pleasure, but also to connect people. Whereas an entertainment producer can certainly gain from providing social benefits, it is not specific for entertainment, and interested readers are recommended to the extensive general literature on social motivation and needs, starting with Maslow (1943).
- 2.
In particular cases in which the consumer aims for mood adjustments rather than pleasure, however, it is possible for the emotional reaction to function as a motivation itself, as we will show below.
- 3.
An important substream of such motivation-focused research carries the label “uses and gratifications.” Its roots go back to the early days of radio and television where the uses-and-gratifications approach was developed to understand people’s engagement with mass communication; Katz et al. (1973) provide an early overview. Whereas our discussion of entertainment motives in this part of the book encompasses findings from a number of uses-and-gratifications studies, our perspective differs somewhat in that we do not assume entertainment consumers make choices actively to achieve a consciously chosen “goal” (an important tenet of uses-and-gratifications research that has also inspired models of consumer decision making; see Palmgreen and Rayburn II 1982). In contrast, we also allow for subconscious, passive consumer behavior. In a pointed way, the uses-and-gratifications approach is tied to a “rational,” heavily cognitive view of consumer behavior, which reflects the approach’s historical roots; the approach was developed long before the hedonic consumption models, on which our own perspective of entertainment behavior in this book is based, shifted the scholarly view toward emotions and imagery.
- 4.
Let us note that our list of entertainment motives, although including what we believe are the focal internal drivers for consumers, is far from comprehensive. Other motives mentioned by researchers are “moral disposition” (i.e., experiencing the good prevailing in the movie, and the bad suffering) and “social comparison” (looking at others, such as characters in a novel, who have it worse off than you do). Bartsch and Viehoff (2010) offer an overview.
- 5.
This motive can be linked to the personal relevance of entertainment.
- 6.
We discuss the sensations potential for the different product types and also how the richness of sensations can be influenced via technology in earlier chapters.
- 7.
Actually, higher familiarity even leads to lower movie assessments after a threshold is reached—but this threshold value lies outside the scale limits.
- 8.
We will inspect satiation effects more closely as part of our discussion of information strategies for new entertainment product samples (such as movie trailers).
- 9.
“Subliminal” refers to a kind of processing that takes place when a stimulus is presented to participants for such a short time frame that the participants cannot process it consciously and answer corresponding questions reliably.
- 10.
In case you have not seen Psycho yet, please do yourself the favor and make up for this omission. If you want to take a shortcut (which we do not recommend for any ambitious entertainment student, scholar, or manager though!), you can still look up the iconic shower scene at several places on the Internet, such as http://goo.gl/XfSvuQ. Enjoy—but take care!
- 11.
An unconscious, purely behavioral reaction as a response to (scary) entertainment stimuli is also evidenced by neurologists in other areas of the body. For example, Nemeth et al. (2015) noted a significant uptick in blood clotting as a bodily response to watching a horror movie, but not other films. As with most unconscious processes, the explanation to such reactions refers to evolution: in frightening situations, our body prepares itself for the loss of blood, a threat that is countered by more rapid blood clotting.
- 12.
Please also see our discussion in this chapter of the determinants of being “transported” by entertainment.
- 13.
Tomkins (1962) suggested eight “basic” emotions (namely anguish/sadness, disgust, fear, joy, interest, rage/anger, shame, and surprise), Plutchik (1980) also eight, with anticipation and acceptance instead of interest and shame, and Ekman (1999) named a total of 15 emotions, with new additions including contentment, excitement, and guilt.
- 14.
Another question, although one which is mainly of conceptual relevance, is whether each concept from one of these lists should be considered an emotion or something else. Take “excitement,” for example. The fact that Tomkins and Plutchik do not include it in their list of emotions does not mean that they question whether people get excited, but that they consider it to be an affective state or feeling that is just not complex enough to be considered a unique emotion (which would imply a link to unique bodily responses).
- 15.
On a collective level, it is this pre-release and pre-consumption anticipation that creates the “buzz” that often accrues before the release of an entertainment product and that can influence the product’s eventual success in the market on its own.
- 16.
Aurier and Guintcheva find no significant link between fear and satisfaction. We would assume that this results from the heterogeneous sample of films they use; whereas fear should be a positive state in the context of horror movies, it will probably not affect (or may even obscure) the evaluation of other films. The authors do not report any interactions of emotions with genres or subsample analyses, so their existence remains speculation.
- 17.
The films in their data set were those which received a wide release in North American theaters between 1999 and 2005.
- 18.
See also our discussion of parasocial relationships in our chapter on entertainment brands.
- 19.
The study by Aurier and Guintcheva (2014) offers an initial exploration of the role of expectations for emotions.
- 20.
The concept of imagery has quite a long history in the sciences, appealing to both cognitive psychologists and philosophers since the 1870s. For a classic historic contribution, see Galton (1880); Thomas (2017) provides a comprehensive review of the historical discussion of both theoretical and empirical imagery research, including recent contributions.
- 21.
A concept that is closely related to such historic imagery of entertainment products is the brand image.
- 22.
Just in case you want to take a look yourself: all the scenes we list in the figure can be found at several places on the Internet, such as at https://goo.gl/vPFPAs (Catwoman), https://goo.gl/f7HNHn (The Matrix Reloaded), https://goo.gl/MaBWVa (Air Force One), https://goo.gl/TX8KeX (Star Wars: Episode II), and https://goo.gl/xom5wR (Die Another Day).
- 23.
See our discussion of technology later in this book for initial empirical findings regarding the use of virtual reality in entertainment.
- 24.
The data analyzed by van Laer et al. includes heterogeneous settings beyond entertainment in which transportation has been studied by scholars, such as advertisements and website browsing. “Behavioral intentions” thus is a broad concept; example manifestations include a consumer’s stated willingness to adopt an advertised product or behavior.
- 25.
Let us note that some scholars have tried to set immersion apart from presence by considering immersion as the technological, “objective” element that causes the consumer’s psychological perception of presence (e.g., Wirth et al. 2007). Such definition (which restricts the immersion concept to its underlying technical forces), however, conflicts with the common understanding of immersion. Another group, including Bracken (2006), considers immersion as part of a more complex presence concept; these scholars separate immersion from what we consider here as elements of immersion itself (such as the perceived realism of the alternate world), which we do not consider helpful.
- 26.
We find it an interesting question whether immersion is a binary or continuous concept. Wirth et al. (2007) argue for the former (“you are either in an alternate world or not”), but our own experiences suggest that a continuous interpretation is more appropriate: one’s perception of such a world is more or less exclusive, with presence experiences differing in depth and richness. The same question can be asked for narrative transportation.
- 27.
They also find that immersion goes along with higher levels of consumer emotions (positive or negative), adding further evidence for the coexistence of imagery and emotional processing of entertainment consumption.
- 28.
For readers interested in a discussion of consumer skills required in entertainment, we recommend Sherry (2004).
- 29.
We find some of the other states in Csíkszentmihályi’s current flow model somewhat debatable—given an equal level of challenges, why should higher skills turn boredom into relaxation? Overall however, the model provides us with a sound understanding of what is needed for a consumer to experience flow.
- 30.
- 31.
In case you want to know: please check out Fukunaga (2014).
- 32.
This effect can be subconscious: the consumers attributed this enjoyment to the quality of the show, not to the presence of the other group members.
- 33.
For a discussion of the buzz concept and its role for product success, please refer our chapter on “earned” entertainment communication; in it, we return to the idea of “We-desire” cascades.
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Hennig-Thurau, T., Houston, M.B. (2019). The Consumption Side of Entertainment. In: Entertainment Science. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-89292-4_6
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