Abstract
Shanghai Chinese and Nguni Bantu languages (including Zulu) are both tone languages, and both have a set of phonetically voiceless consonants which have a pitch lowering effect on the tone of a following vowel. In a recent paper, Jessen and Roux (2002) propose that depressor consonants in these two languages can be characterized by the same [slack voice] feature, implemented in a parallel fashion in the two languages, and with f0 lowering compensating in both languages for absence of phonetic voicing. This paper investigates their claims in some detail by comparing production studies of the effect of depressors on tone in Shanghai Chinese and in Zulu and by comparing the tone systems of the two languages. The production studies show that the phonetic implementation of the depressor effect is, in fact, quite different in the two languages. There is also no basis for claiming that f0 lowering compensates for lack of voicing. The comparison of the tone systems shows that the differences in phonetic implementation of the depressor effect follows from differences in their tonal phonologies. In the spirit of Kingston and Diehl (1994), [slack voice] can then be considered appropriate for both languages in spite of differences in phonetic implementation.
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Notes
- 1.
See work like Schadeberg (2003) for discussion of the morphological structure of the Bantu verb stem.
- 2.
The complete word list analyzed for the Zulu study reported on here is found in Appendix 1. We thank our colleague, Leston Buell, a Zulu specialist (Buell 2005), for his help in constructing the Zulu word list. The Zulu words in this chapter are cited in the orthography, except that penult stress (vowel lengthening) is indicated and accents indicate High tone (Low tone is not marked). See Appendix 2 for a complete list of Zulu consonants with their phonetic description. See Section. 4.2, below, for a sketch of the Zulu tone system.
- 3.
In the No Focus condition, the target words were produced as old information, elicited with a WH-question on a constituent after the target word, later in the sentence.
- 4.
In word-initial position, the voiceless depressor can only occur with low register Rising tones. In other words, the f0 lowering effect has been phonologized.
- 5.
- 6.
Confusingly, Jessen & Roux (2002) refer to the depressors as ‘voiced’ throughout their paper, in contradiction to their finding that, in all possible contexts, they are phonetically not voiced.
- 7.
See Downing (2009) for a detailed review of phonetic studies of Nguni depressor consonants. While work like Bradshaw (1999) and Clements (2003) suggests that Nguni depressor stops were historically voiced, Schadeberg’s (2009) detailed discussion of the historical source of these consonants demonstrates that there is no empirical basis for this claim.
- 8.
See, too, Clements & Khatiwada (2007), which suggests that breathy voice is an expected cross-linguistic correlate of pitch lowering on a vowel following a phonetically voiceless consonant.
- 9.
Confusingly, Jessen & Roux (2002) make contradictory proposals about how similar the phonetic implementation of a phonological feature must be in different languages. On the one hand, they point to parallels in the phonetic implementation of [slack voice] in Xhosa and Shanghai Chinese to motivate the choice of this feature to characterize Xhosa depressors. On the other hand, they suggest (p. 39), following Kingston & Diehl (1994), that features like [voice] can have different phonetic implementations in different languages, and Xhosa could be considered a language where only a low-level feature, f0 lowering, implements [voice]. Since we are interested in pursuing their suggestion that Nguni depressors show parallels with Shanghai Chinese depressors, we have also assumed the strictest possible interpretation of their first proposal, namely, that the two languages implement the same feature in a parallel way. We return to this point in Section 5, below.
- 10.
- 11.
See Chen (2008) for a phonetic study of the f0 realization of the default L tone which leads to a somewhat different interpretation of how the non-neutralized tone contour of the initial syllable is realized in the sandhi domain from earlier proposals such as Selkirk & Shen (1990) and Duanmu (1993, 1997), among others.
- 12.
- 13.
A possible explanation for this comes from the fact that register is not contrastive in Zulu. Further, the voiceless unaspirated vs. voiceless depressor contrast is marginal, due to the restricted number of morphemes beginning with voiceless unaspirated stops (Doke 1961: 8-9).
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Acknowledgments
We would like to thank our Zulu language consultants for their help in constructing the Zulu data sets and for their patience in making the recordings on which the phonetic analysis is based. An earlier version of this paper was presented at the TIE3 conference in Lisbon. We thank the audience of that conference, along with four anonymous reviewers and the editors of this volume, for helpful comments.
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Appendices
Appendix 1 – Zulu data set analyzed
All of the Zulu words in this list are verbs. The stem-initial syllables (‘=’ precedes the stem) contrast for the stop type: orthographic ph, th, kh are voiceless aspirated; p, k are voiceless unaspirated; bh, d, g are voiceless depressors; b is implosive. They also contrast for tone (High vs. default Low). In the recordings, these stems are preceded either by a sequence of High toned prefixes, [bá-yá=] ‘they are X’, or Low-toned prefixes, [si-ya=] ‘we are X’, to form complete one-word utterances. The data set is labeled to match the pitch track labels in Fig. 1 and 3.
Tone context and stop type | Zulu verb | Gloss |
---|---|---|
H_Aspirated_H | bá-yá=tháánda | ‘they like’ |
 | bá-yá=pháátha | ‘they are carrying (in the hand)’ |
 | bá-yá=phááka | ‘they are serving’ |
 | bá-yá=kháála | ‘they are crying’ |
 | bá-yá=thááka | ‘they are mixing medicines’ |
H_Unaspirated_H | bá-yá=pááka | ‘they are parking’ |
 | bá-yá=péénda | ‘they are painting’ |
 | bá-yá=po´o´ka | ‘they are haunting' |
H_Depressor_H | bá-yá=bháála | ‘they are writing’ |
 | bá-yá=bháánda | ‘they are plastering a hut with mud’ |
 | bá-yá=dááya | ‘they are dying (cloth)’ |
 | bá-yá=dáánsa | ‘they are dancing’ |
H_Aspirated_L | bá-yá=phaanda | ‘they are digging’ |
 | bá-yá=khaaba | ‘they are kicking’ |
 | bá-yá=phaahla | ‘they are daubing (mud)’ |
H_Unaspirated_L | bá-yá=kaakwa | ‘they are being surrounded’ |
H_Depressor_L | bá-yá=gaaya | ‘they are grinding’ |
 | bá-yá=bheeka | ‘they are watching’ |
H_Implosive_H | bá-yá=báánda | ‘they are cold’ |
 | bá-yá=báába | ‘they are hot-tempered’ |
 | bá-yá=bÃÃzwa | ‘they are being called’ |
H_Implosive_L | bá-yá=baala | ‘they are counting’ |
 | bá-yá=baamba | ‘they are catching; holding’ |
Tone sequence | Zulu verb (‘=’ precedes the stem) | Gloss |
---|---|---|
L_Aspirated_H | si-ya=tháánda | ‘we like’ |
 | si-ya=pháátha | ‘we are carrying (in the hand)’ |
 | si-ya=phááka | ‘we are serving’ |
 | si-ya=kháála | ‘we are crying’ |
 | si-ya=thááka | ‘we are mixing medicines’ |
L_Unaspirated_H | si-ya=pááka | ‘we are parking’ |
 | si-ya=péénda | ‘we are painting’ |
 | si-ya=po´o´ka | ‘we are haunting' |
L_Depressor_H | si-ya=bháála | ‘we are writing’ |
 | si-ya=bháánda | ‘we are plastering a hut with mud’ |
 | si-ya=dááya | ‘we are dying (cloth)’ |
 | si-ya=dáánsa | ‘we are dancing’ |
L_Aspirated_L | si-ya=phaanda | ‘we are digging’ |
 | si-ya=khaaba | ‘we are kicking’ |
 | si-ya=phaahla | ‘we are daubing (mud)’ |
L_Unaspirated_L | si-ya=kaakwa | ‘we are being surrounded’ |
L_Depressor_L | si-ya=gaaya | ‘we are grinding’ |
 | si-ya=bheeka | ‘we are watching’ |
L_Implosive_H | si-ya=báánda | ‘we are cold’ |
 | si-ya=báába | ‘we are hot-tempered’ |
 | si-ya=bÃÃzwa | ‘we are being called’ |
L_Implosive_L | si-ya=baala | ‘we are counting’ |
 | si-ya=baamba | ‘we are catching; holding’ |
Appendix 2 – The Zulu consonant inventory (Schadeberg 2009)
The spelling in this table follows modern orthography. It has the familiar arrangement where columns roughly correspond to places of articulation and rows to modes or manners of articulation. Some rows are further subdivided to show corresponding prenasalized consonants.
The shaded cells contain the depressor consonants, which are here also marked by a ‘combining diaeresis below’ (Unicode 1586). This marking is not part of standard orthography.
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Chen, Y., Downing, L.J. (2011). All Depressors are Not Alike: A Comparison of Shanghai Chinese and Zulu. In: Frota, S., Elordieta, G., Prieto, P. (eds) Prosodic Categories: Production, Perception and Comprehension. Studies in Natural Language and Linguistic Theory. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-007-0137-3_11
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