Abstract
The concept of collective action has been widely received in Asia in general and in China in particular. Within the transcultural flow of this concept, two theses gain momentum. From a Western point of view, collective action is often regarded as a pathway toward civil society, democracy, and liberalism. From a Chinese point of view, a cultural heritage of collective action is constructed that emphasizes a primordial and essentialized affinity of the Chinese human being toward collective action. This chapter will challenge both theses. The Chinese anthropological and philosophical heritage focuses on relationships that are bipolar, hierarchical, and multi-instrumental instead of collective and driven by particularly shared intentions. I will further argue that due to a legacy of a concept of public welfare, collective action tends to be affirmative toward state and society, and that it does not automatically oppose authoritarian power.
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Notes
- 1.
There are of course also more balanced studies that successfully avoid the construction of China as the other. Edwards Shils’ (1996) study on civil society and civility in China may serve as an example.
- 2.
Neglecting this tradition might be caused by the traditionally negative connotation of rebellion, turmoil, and chaos which contradict the usually affirmative and harmonious notion in the construction of the Chinese self. The most prominent exception is possibly the CCP historiography which focused on peasant rebellions as manifestations of prerevolutionary consciousness. However, the CCP’s notion of historiography is highly informed by a Marxist understanding of development.
- 3.
It needs to be emphasized that this was by no means a general right which could be understood as being predemocratic. Evaluating the ruler as being a tyrant as well as the actual act of assassination had been the sole task of the political elite, most notably members of the ruler’s family. For the respective text, see Legge (1983: 164–165 and 167). The reference refers to a universal reference system for the book of Mengzi and applies to all editions irrespective of page numbers: Book 1, Part B, Chaps. 6 and 8.
- 4.
This might also partly explain why the Chinese government reacts toward the millions of illegal NGOs with a policy of Three Nos, that is, no recognition, no banning, and no intervention, as long as a particular NGO’s activities are not seen as a challenge toward state power. On this issue, see also the contribution by Birgit Haese in this volume.
- 5.
Despite many difficulties in the election processes and accomplishing competences vis-à-vis party bureaucracy and higher administrative levels, village and township elections have brought forth local forms of governance by implementing local policies initiated by elected citizens (Jacobson 2004). Differences in social cohesion between urban and rural communities might be a major reason for the varying attitudes toward local elections.
- 6.
Critical elites, like the supporters of the Charter 08 (Lingba xianzhang 零八宪章), are still a minority compared to affirmative elites despite the attention the former ones receive from Western observers.
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Storm, C. (2013). Images and Frameworks of Collective Action in China. In: Andreosso-O'Callaghan, B., Royall, F. (eds) Economic and Political Change in Asia and Europe. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-007-4653-4_4
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