Abstract
In her chapter Francesca Gobbo revisits the ethnographic research she conducted between 1999 and 2001 among a number of Veneto traveling attractionist families whose children’s right to education was seriously impaired by the schools’ inability to respond to their nomadic way of life. The researcher’s first challenge consisted in interpreting the meaning and practice of occupational nomadism, the learning and teaching taking place within families and “on the square”, the families’ and youth’s epistemologies elaborated through the experience of nomadism and what it entails with regard to their relations with sedentary co-citizens and local administrations. Participant observation during fairs, informal and formal conversations with adults, youth were relevant for questioning a stereotypical interpretation of the nomadic life and identity, and for valorizing the interpretations of work, learning, social positioning that those families had developed. Reflecting on the ethnographic findings and experience led Francesca Gobbo to notice that the work and life of the occupational nomads have fired the imagination of many artists whose visual or literary interpretations can fruitfully promote a reflective and critical view of cultural differences among teachers and intercultural educators.
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Notes
- 1.
The English translation (traveling attractionist) will from now on be used throughout this chapter. Since the first presentation of fieldwork findings (Gobbo 2001a ), I am aware—thanks to Michael Herzfeld’s notice—that “attractionist” is my own linguistic invention, but I intend to maintain it in order to underline the constitutive, and special, connection that this mobile occupational minority has with attractions, the “tools” of their work. This aspect is also recognized by Italian legislation (Law 337/1968) that defines the members of this occupational minority as proprietor of traveling attraction (esercente di attrazione viaggiante).
- 2.
- 3.
- 4.
- 5.
- 6.
- 7.
The ECOTEC study ( 2008 ) reports a very limited number of educational initiatives, but no research among Italian fairground and circus people had been carried out until 1999.
- 8.
Before doing fieldwork among the Veneto traveling attractionists, I was in Calabria, to study the Arberesh, an ethno-linguistic minority arrived in Italy in the fifteenth century from Albania fleeing from the Turks (Gobbo 1977b ), then in Piedmont, for research among the Waldensians, a religious minority that joined Calvinism in 1531 and was granted civic rights only in 1848 (Gobbo 1999 , 2000b , c , 2001b , 2003a ).
- 9.
All quotations that are not referenced are from my ethnographic field notes.
- 10.
Unfortunately, today this applies to many young people in more stable jobs as well.
- 11.
With regard to this law, it is worth recalling some of its qualifying points: it officially defines this occupational minority as esercenti di attrazioni viaggianti (proprietors of traveling attractions), recognizes the “social function” of circuses and traveling shows, and indicates the consolidation and development of the sector as social and political goals. A national committee with consulting tasks was then set up to support the foreseen improvements, and a list of all the attractions – distinguished according to size – was prepared that is periodically updated. In fact, the registered size and technical characteristics of attractions provide the official basis on which the Minister of Tourism and the local administrations decide on taxes and space allocation. Local administrators, in particular, are responsible for locating and approving areas suitable as fairgrounds and for annually renewing or withdrawing approval according to suitability evaluations based on the fairs’ economic returns and the residents’ appreciation. The law also requires annual safety checks (see footnote 12) that have to be passed satisfactorily for approval to be granted.
- 12.
Since the school year 2003–2004, a project titled Seguendo fiere e sagre (Following fairs and countryside festivals), devised by Elisa Marini and supported by the intercultural network Rete senza confini (Network No Borders), has been disseminated among various schools of the Padua province. It included a course on work safety rules that was highly appreciated by attractionist families and youth. See “Storia di un progetto” in www.seguendofieresagre.it .
- 13.
Attendance is always duly recorded in an official notebook (the quadernino ) that every pupil has with him or her, in which to let teachers and principals know that he or she had complied with the rules.
- 14.
A 1975 study pointed out that schooling “complements the training [Travellers’ children] receive in fairground operation with the family” (Schools Council Research Studies 1975 , p. 13).
- 15.
Fieldwork was carried out between fall of 1999 and the end of 2001 among a group of 25 families whose annual fairs’ circuits call at many towns and villages in the Veneto provinces of Padua, Venice, Treviso, and Vicenza.
- 16.
Immediately after this remark, Mr Pulliero hastened to remind me the economic and technological importance of the attraction industry sector. About it, and specifically about the town of Bergantino and its post-World War II manufacturing “tradition,” see Silvestrini 2000 .
- 17.
This name, as all the others, is a pseudonym to protect the privacy of my interlocutors. The exception is the name of the leftist union secretary, Mr Pulliero, who gave me permission to mention his real name.
- 18.
Giostraio (sing. m., giostraia , sing. f.) is the word with which attractionists nominate themselves, especially when there is familiarity with the interlocutor. It denotes the relationship between a person and the attraction, that is, the giostra . However giostraio (pl. g iostrai ) often has a negative connotation, and when newspapers report crimes attributed to, or done by attractionists, the word used is usually giostraio/giostrai. In Medieval times, giostra was the joust or tournament of knights.
- 19.
For further elaboration of this point by attractionists, see Gobbo 2007b .
- 20.
It is quite possible that this point was emphasized in relation to me and to maintain a dignified image of attractionists.
- 21.
The expression is difficult to translate, but it is exemplary of a certain cultural attitude that some define typical of the Veneto region: essere [to be] sul suo alludes to property rights, but also to the value of “being one’s own master” and “being able to keep one’s own ground.”
- 22.
It must be noticed that many fermi e ferme (“still,” i.e., settled men and women) have become part of traveling attractionist families, often (but not exclusively) through marriage.
- 23.
Because traveling attractionists must arrive to the fairground within a certain time and leave it within a given time to avoid a ticket, it could be said that they also have “to punch the clock,” at least twice, at the beginning and at the end of a fair.
- 24.
In Veneto, the local dialect (that I speak fluently) is widely used in social interaction. From the early contacts on, I always interpreted my interlocutors’ use of dialect as a specific choice meant to establish a climate of intimacy during the interviews, on the one hand, but on the other as a way to signal that I was expected to adapt to the language “rules” of the exchange, as was clear the time I greeted a family in dialect only to be answered in a neat Italian that was then used by my hosts for the whole interview, obviously obliging me to do the same.
- 25.
It took place on December 26, 1999.
- 26.
Her mother instead remembered that “the family needed [her] help.”
- 27.
The mixed marriages between “still” young women or young men and traveling attractionists bring some practical advantages (a “still” relative caring for the children’s school education, fewer intragroup conflicts, and less revengeful competition, just to remember the positive consequences most often mentioned by the interviewees).
- 28.
On this occasion, only the focus groups organized in the primary schools will be taken into account.
- 29.
My questions were as unstructured as possible so as to let teachers guide the conversation and put forward the themes, or the difficulties, that they saw as most relevant to their work.
- 30.
The two primary schools were in two different Veneto provinces and the teachers did not know each other.
- 31.
For the relevance of metaphors in education, see Gobbo 2009b .
- 32.
Examples include Hector Malot, Heinrich Böll, Dario Fo, John Irving, Jáchym Topol, and Norman Manea; movie directors as Charlie Chaplin, Federico Fellini, Bo Widerberg, and Cecil B. DeMille; choreographer George Balanchine (Schubert 2006 ); and painters as Henri de Toulouse-Lautrec, Pablo Picasso, Georges Seurat, Ernst Kirchner, Fernand Léger, Paul Klee, Marc Chagall, Georges Rouault, René Magritte, and the Italian Antonio Donghi.
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Gobbo, F. (2015). 3.1 People “of Passage”: An Intercultural Educator’s Interpretation of Diversity and Cultural Identity in Italy. In: Smeyers, P., Bridges, D., Burbules, N., Griffiths, M. (eds) International Handbook of Interpretation in Educational Research. Springer International Handbooks of Education. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-017-9282-0_24
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