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Constructing a Chinese Version of Governance Discourse

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The Idea of Governance and the Spirit of Chinese Neoliberalism

Abstract

Quan offers a dynamic threefold analysis of the conceptual changes of governance. First, he identifies the general trends of governance ideas in the academic discipline of Chinese politics. Second, he describes the process of governance ideas being adapted into a supportive part of the dominant political discourses. Third, he considers the practical policy consequences of this nascent political-administrative concept. In the early stage of contextualization of governance, it was incorporated into disciplinary discourses before undergoing intellectual development in subsequent periods. In the second stage of contextualization, a localized perspective of governance began to dominate theoretical debates and prevail in empirical policy. As a consequence, a paradigmatic transition inspired by governance ideas has occurred within the academic discipline since the early years of this century. Based on these findings, Quan argues that the idea of governance from the very beginning does not originate from ivory-tower work. Rather, every stage of its intellectual developments, spreads, refinements, and applications is deeply embedded in the political project of neoliberalism.

Chinese political reform is mainly governance reform.

Yu Keping, 2016

See (Yu 2006, p. 208).

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Notes

  1. 1.

    For the analytical functions of these items, see Chapter 1.

  2. 2.

    See Hsu (2000) for the development and influence of the movement.

  3. 3.

    The resolution was unanimously adopted by the Sixth Plenary Session of the Eleventh CCP Central Committee on June 27, 1981. For details, see The Research Department of Party Literature under the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China (1991, pp. 195–201).

  4. 4.

    For a brief history of Chinese political discipline, see Lin (1998), Wang (1998), and Yu (2007).

  5. 5.

    See Cao (2001) and Wang (2009).

  6. 6.

    The following paragraph shows Deng’s deep concern about the severe pre-reform organizational problems:

    It is true that the errors we made in the past were partly attributable to the way of thinking and style of work of some leaders. But they were even more attributable to the problems in our organizational and working systems. If these systems are sound, they can place restraints on the actions of bad people; if they are unsound, they may hamper the efforts of good people or indeed, in certain cases, may push them in the wrong direction. Even so great a man as Comrade Mao Zedong was influenced to a serious degree by certain unsound systems and institutions, which resulted in grave misfortunes for the party, the state and himself…Stalin gravely damaged socialist legality, doing things which Comrade Mao Zedong once said would have been impossible in Western countries like Britain, France and the United States. Yet although Comrade Mao was aware of this, he did not in practice solve the problems in our system of leadership. Together with other factors, this led to the decade of catastrophe known as the “Cultural Revolution”. There is a most profound lesson to be learned from this. I do not mean that the individuals concerned should not bear their share of responsibility, but rather that the problems in the leadership and organizational systems are more fundamental, widespread and long-lasting, and that they have a greater effect on the overall interests of our country. This is a question that has a close bearing on whether our Party and state will change political colour and should therefore command the attention of the entire Party. (The Bureau for the Compilation and Translation of Works of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin under the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China 1984, p. 316, emphasis added)

  7. 7.

    See also Yang (2001) and Zhang (2004).

  8. 8.

    For example, the CCP readdressed the four basic principles and stopped the institutional reform to separate party and state institutions. See Saich (2010, p. 63).

  9. 9.

    The early 1990s witnessed academic and political debates between neo-authoritarian/neo-conservative and liberal-democratic schools. See, for example, Deng and Yuejin (1992), Chen (1997), and Wang and He (2002).

  10. 10.

    The discussion of the possibility and characteristics of Chinese civil society was the central theme of Chinese Social Sciences Quarterly, an HK-based independent journal (1992–2000), which greatly shaped the understanding of civil society among Chinese scholars.

  11. 11.

    A relevant and earlier concept of governance (corporate governance) was discussed and adopted by economic experts rather than political experts. For the key events of the intellectual development of corporate governance in contemporary China, see Zheng and Wang (2000).

  12. 12.

    Williams and Young (1994) provide a classical criticism of the underlying neoliberal ideology associated with the numerous policies by these international agencies. At the policy level, Harrison (2004) examines critically their neoliberal policies towards developing countries, especially those in Africa. Peet (2003) offers a comprehensive record of the working relations between these influential organizations in accordance with the neoliberal principles. Last, Adhikary (2012) and Stein (2014) both argue that the neoliberal policies had still continued since the 1990s even packaged by a set of policy discourse more favoring the poor.

  13. 13.

    According to Bottelier (2007), the Bank attempted to establish a working relationship with Chinese economic experts as early as the late 1970s. Through serious advanced courses and training programs, as well as their joint efforts in research and policy formulation, the Bank’s proposal for economic reform gradually won acceptance from the local scholars.

  14. 14.

    As the report indicated, “History suggests that political legitimacy and consensus are a precondition for sustainable development.” Cited as the two best examples of sound economic performance in Africa were Botswana and Mauritius, both with “effective parliamentary democracies” (World Bank. 1989, pp. 60–61).

  15. 15.

    Lim (2005) provides a historical and personal record of the cooperation between the two sides. Bottelier (2007) documents several significant cases that later proved decisive for setting the neoliberal agenda of Chinese economic reforms.

  16. 16.

    Interviewee 17.

  17. 17.

    Interviewee 11.

  18. 18.

    Liu’s paper can be divided into two parts. The first part offers an accurate translation of the main body of the World Bank’s report under the titles “the role of government in modern market economy,” “public sector management,” “building and sustaining accountability,” “legal framework for economic development,” and “information and transparency” (Liu 1995; also World Bank. 1992). Following the rationale of the report, Liu outlines the proper role and functions of the state in market economy and proposed some concrete reforms for the public sector. The second part of the paper, Liu’s own writing, shows little interest in the policies of the World Bank, but shifts the focus to the theoretical implications of governance for domestic reforms. Therefore, instead of concluding with the Bank’s major tasks and missions, he summarizes the lessons learned in China.

  19. 19.

    Modern governance aims to build a modern neutral state at the institutional level and to maintain a private sphere of freedom at the economic level. The government should keep a neutral stance in the face of various conflicting interests. The government must provide rules for the functioning of the market, protect property rights, and implement laws effectively in order to sustain a stable business environment and to promote successful investment. Meanwhile, economy and efficiency should be superior to ideological and political considerations. Technical and political issues should be separated. Governance is certainly an issue in the technical area. Therefore, the reform programs in this area should be undertaken without hesitation. (Liu 1995, p. 77)

  20. 20.

    Reinventing Government was translated into Chinese in 1996; the second Chinese version was published in 2006.

  21. 21.

    Mao uses the term “managerialism” as the equivalent to Taylorism in management science. He indicates that the 1998 State Council reform still followed this old paradigm, as evident in its major reform objectives and principles. See Mao et al. (1998, p. 12).

  22. 22.

    See Chapter 2 for a detailed illustration during this period.

  23. 23.

    See Xu’s (1992) early work on Chinese traditional politics from a Marxist perspective.

  24. 24.

    For comparison of Xu’s interpretation and Engels’ own statements on state power, see Xu (1997, p. 64) and Engels (1985, pp. 195–218).

  25. 25.

    See “Teng Wen Gong” in Mencius and Xu (2001, p. 29, emphasis added).

  26. 26.

    Refer to the topic guidance of interview in Appendix I.

  27. 27.

    See, for example, Sun et al. (2008), Yu and Huang (2007), and Wang (2009).

  28. 28.

    Yu Keping was probably the first person to attain a doctorate degree in political science since the reform. For Yu’s resume see the official website of the Organ of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China: http://www.qstheory.cn/zhuanqu/qsft/2016-01/22/c_1117748166.htm.

  29. 29.

    The Bureau is the official Marxist institute for the translation of classical Marxist works into Chinese. In addition, it is also responsible for introducing the works of the CCP leaders to the world. Since the reform era, the institute has begun to collect information about developments of Marxism and other popular political theories in the West. For details, see the official website: http://www.cctb.net/introduce/.

  30. 30.

    Since 2001, Yu has been promoted as the deputy director of the Bureau. Not long before that, he participated an international research project organized by James Manor, a British governance expert at Sussex University. This is the first time he learned about the idea of governance. Interviewee 6.

  31. 31.

    Yu’s close associates in his team include He Zengke, Yang Xuedong, Chen Jiagang, and Zhou Hongyun. See Li (2014) for their major output during this period.

  32. 32.

    Later Yu added three more elements: stability, integrity, and justice. For his detailed elaborations, see also Yu (2002a, 2011a, 2011b).

  33. 33.

    Interviewee 8.

  34. 34.

    See Wang and Guo (2015). The last method refers to the program on “Innovations and Excellence in Chinese Local Governance,” see below for more elaborations.

  35. 35.

    Most of these symposia were held by the editors of several core journals in public administration: “How far is China from ‘good governance’” by Chinese Public Administration (Issue 9, 2001); “Governance theory and administrative reforms in China” by Expanding Horizons (Issue 5, 2001); “Governance theory and public management” by Social Sciences in Nanjing (Issue 9, 2001); and “Reflection and Emulation: understanding governance theory in the Chinese context” by Theory Digest (Issue 3, 2003).

  36. 36.

    See Hu (2001) and Zhang (2001).

  37. 37.

    See Chen and Xue (2007) and Wang (2009).

  38. 38.

    See Yu (2010a). For more details cases in the program, see Yu (2011a).

  39. 39.

    See Fewsmith (2013) and Li (2015) for more critical evaluations of the limitations of local government reforms.

  40. 40.

    See, for example, Yu et al. (2004) and Yu et al. (2006).

  41. 41.

    See Bray (2009) and Tomba (2014) for critical analyses of this issue.

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Li, Q. (2017). Constructing a Chinese Version of Governance Discourse. In: The Idea of Governance and the Spirit of Chinese Neoliberalism. Palgrave, Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-4139-6_4

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