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Across the Seas

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Hokkien Theatre Across The Seas
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Abstract

By the sixteenth century, the discovery of trade routes and the new world made naval interactions busier than before. The rise of Western imperialism meant that various powers became more assertive, whether through trickery or warfare, in controlling lands previously not under their jurisdiction and gaining access of the rich resources that were highly lucrative. The international status of various southern ports in China became an important target for Western colonizers. Japan, the Asian version of colonialism, later joined in the competition. China’s increasing vulnerability towards these foreign powers meant that her people felt less protected and there was a sense of urgency to sojourn, though with reluctance in the initial period. This chapter focuses on the migratory flows of communities from southern Fujian to Taiwan, Kinmen and Singapore, and along which they brought their hometown culture and music. This led to the transmission of Hokkien theatre in the three sites. Being out of their home country, the migrants were inevitably subject to the jurisdiction of the ruling powers in the respective host societies, which were usually beyond China’s control. This historical narrative will also include how socio-political development in these societies shape the development of Hokkien theatre until the mid-twentieth century.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Eduard B. Vermeer, “The Expansion of the Fukienese in the Late Ming Period”, Taiwan: A New History: 47–48, 55.

  2. 2.

    Eduard B. Vermeer, “The Expansion of the Fukienese in the Late Ming Period”, Taiwan: A New History: 47–48; Ng Chin-Keong, Trade and Society, 4.

  3. 3.

    The use of ‘diaspora ’ considers Kevin Kenny’s caution of setting the conditions to explain the concept. Kenny suggested to use diaspora in relation to involuntary migration , origins and nature of migration, and interconnections between the diasporic communities. See Kevin Kenny, Diaspora: A Very Short Introduction, Oxford University Press 2013, 12–14.

  4. 4.

    For example, in the Philippines, a significant Hokkien population had resided there as early as the seventeenth century. The Spanish colonization had often clashed with the populace and resulted in massacres. See Lucille Chia, “The Butcher, the Baker, and the Carpenter: Chinese Sojourners in the Spanish Philippines and Their Impact on Southern Fujian (Sixteenth-Eighteenth Centuries)”, Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, Vol. 49, No. 4, Maritime Diasporas in the Indian Ocean and East and Southeast Asia (960–1775), 2006, 509–534.

  5. 5.

    Melissa J. Brown, “Where Did the Aborigines Go? Reinstating Plains Aborigines in Taiwan’s History”, Is Taiwan Chinese? The Impact of Culture, Power, and Migration on Changing Identities, University of California Press, 2004, 36–37.

  6. 6.

    José Eugenio Borao Mateo, The Spanish Experience in Taiwan 1626–1642: The Baroque Ending of a Renaissance Endeavour, Hong Kong University Press, 2009, 138.

  7. 7.

    Qin Sixia, “Ming Zheng shiqi Taiwan ruxue de chuanli jiqi neihan yanjiu”, Masters dissertation, Fujian Shifan Daxue, 8.

  8. 8.

    James K. Chin, “A Hokkien maritime empire in the East and South China Seas, 1620–83, S. Amirel, L. Müller, Stefan Eklöf Amirell eds. Persistent Piracy: Maritime Violence and State-Formation in Global Historical Perspective, UK: Palgrave Macmillan, 2014, 95.

  9. 9.

    Huang Zongyi (黄宗義) Taiwan wenxian congkan-ci xing shi mo, No. 25, Taibei: Taiwan yinhang jingji yanjiushi bian, 1958, 76; Young-tsu Wong, China’s Conquest of Taiwan in the Seventeenth Century: Victory at Full Moon, Springer, 2017, 42.

  10. 10.

    Taiwan waizhi houzhuan: Xiuxiang sao pinghai fen ji 台灣外志後傳:繡像掃平海氛記, in Lü Su-shang呂訴上, Taiwan dianying xiju shi 台灣電影戲劇史, 台北: 銀華 1961, 163.

  11. 11.

    The study of Dutch sources on Chinese theatre is provided by Dutch sinologist Robin Ruizendaal. See Luo Bin (Robin), “Helan wenxian zhong de Taiwan zaoqi xiju huodong”, Taiwan de shengyin (yousheng ziliaoku), Shuijing yousheng chubanshe, 1995, Vol. 2, No. 2, 78–83.

  12. 12.

    Cheng Chi-lung’s occupation of Xiamen brought shock to Fujian province, as the port city was also a significant military base. However, as the focus of discussion is mainly on Taiwan, I shall not elaborate further on Cheng’s influence in Xiamen. For a more detailed description, see Young-tsu Wong, “The Rise of Zheng Zhilong ”, in China’s Conquest of Taiwan in the Seventeenth Century, 35–56. The author also noted that “Zheng Chenggong was not the first Chinese occupier of Taiwan; his (Koxinga) father Zheng Zhilong and Yan Siqi had ruled at least parts of it. But he was the first to make the island become Chinese and politicized it”, see Young-tsu Wong, 105.

  13. 13.

    Young-tsu Wong, “The Rise of Zheng Zhilong”, 55–56.

  14. 14.

    Young-tsu Wong, “Zheng Chenggong’s Politicization of the China Coast”, 57–58, 61.

  15. 15.

    Koxinga’s name (國姓爺 Imperial Surname Gentleman) was derived from Emperor Longwu’s bestowing to him the imperial surname Zhu. When Emperor Longwu led troops at Yanping, he was captured and killed at Dingzhou (汀州) in 1646. See Young-tsu Wong, “Zheng Chenggong’s Politicization of the China Coast”, 59–62.

  16. 16.

    Melissa J. Brown, “Where Did the Aborigines Go?”, 41; Young-tsu Wong, “Zheng Chenggong’s Politicization of the China Coast”, 80.

  17. 17.

    Young-tsu Wong, “Zheng Chenggong’s Politicization of the China Coast”, 80.

  18. 18.

    Zhengshi shiliao xubian 鄭氏史料初編, vol. 10, 1962, 1251–1264; Zhengshi shiliao sanbian 鄭氏史料三編, vol. 1, 1963, 3–6. Above sources cited in Young-tsu Wong, 95.

  19. 19.

    See Yang Ying, Yanpingwang huguan Yang Ying congzheng shilu, 148–49, in Young-tsu Wong, 97–98.

  20. 20.

    Yang Ying 楊英, Yanpingwang huguan Yang Ying congzheng shilu 延平王戶官場楊英從征實錄 (The account of the quartermaster Yang Ying’s campaign with Zheng Chenggong, the King of Yanping), Taibei, Zhongyang yanjiu yuan lishi yuyan yanjiusuo, a reprint of 1931, 148–49; Yang Ying, Congzheng shilu 從征實錄, Raiwan wenxian congkan, no. 32, 184–185; Yu Zongxin 余宗信ed., Ming Yanpingwang Taiwan haiguo ji 明延平王台灣海國紀, Shanghai: The Commercial Press, 1937, 69–70, above sources cited in Young-tsu Wong, 98.

  21. 21.

    Campbell, Formosa under the Dutch Rule, 420–421; Badaweiya cheng riji, 254–56, in Young-tsu Wong, 100.

  22. 22.

    Zheng Chenggong shoufu Taiwan shiliao xuanbian, 153–154; Badaweiya cheng riji, 258–61, cited in Young-tsu Wong, 101–102.

  23. 23.

    Campbell, Formosa under the Dutch rule, 425–458; Xie Guozhen, Nan-Ming shilue, 206; Boxer, “The Siege of Fort Zeelandia and the Capture of Formosa from the Dutch,” 15–42, cited in Young-tsu Wong, 104.

  24. 24.

    Guo Tingyi, Taiwan lishi gaishu, 55–64; Yin Zhangyi, Taiwan kaifashi yanjiu, 1–28, in Young-tsu Wong, 105.

  25. 25.

    Jiang Risheng 江日升, Taiwan waiji juan sanshi 台湾外纪卷三十, Fuzhou: Fujian renmin chubanshe, 1983, 76.

  26. 26.

    Young-tsu Wong, 106.

  27. 27.

    Zhuluoxian zhi 諸羅縣志, 143–145, http://ctext.org/wiki.pl?if=gb&chapter=94661, accessed on 31 October 2017. The estimated period of this observation of theatrical shows being performed is cited in Chongxiu Taiwan sheng tongzhi 重修台灣省通志 Vol. 10 Yiwenzhi, yishu pian, Taiwan sheng wenxian weiyuanhui, 86.12, 613.

  28. 28.

    Liu Xianting, Guangyang zaji xuan, 21; Zhu’s note in Qingdai guanshu ji Ming Taiwan Zhengshi wangshi, 5–6, in Young-tsu Wong, 106–107.

  29. 29.

    For a detailed description of how Koxinga is worshipped in Taiwanese temples , see Keith Stevens, “Images on Taiwanese Temple Altars of Koxinga and His Generals, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch, Vol. 55, 2015, 157–182. Despite his anti-Qing movement, Kangxi Emperor of the Qing dynasty later ordered the construction of a temple in Taiwan in honour of Koxinga. See Huang Zongxi 黃宗曦, Cixing shimo 賜姓始末, Taiwan wenxian congkan, no. 25, 1858, 47, in Young-tsu Wong, 107.

  30. 30.

    For example, Gezai opera Kangxi builds the floating bridge to repay his mother’s kindness (康熙君造浮橋報母恩) performed by Hsin Wu She (新舞社) in 1930 and had the Shunzhi Emperor make a brief mention on Koxinga. See Lin Ho-Yi (Vol. 2), 198.

  31. 31.

    Kangxi tongyi Taiwan dang’an shiliao xuanji, pp. 50–51. See also Ruan Minxi 阮旻錫, Haishang jianwen lu 海上見聞錄, Taiwan wenxian congkan, no. 24, 1958, 44; Xia Lin 夏琳, Minhai jiyao, 37. Above sources cited in Young-tsu Wong, 150–151.

  32. 32.

    Shi Weiqing, Shi Lang nianpu kaolue, 265–82, in Young-tsu Wong, 153, 161–162.

  33. 33.

    Peng Sunyi, Jinghai zhi, 94, in Young-tsu Wong, 166–167.

  34. 34.

    Young-tsu Wong, 167–175.

  35. 35.

    Yao Qisheng, “Qingkai liusheng haijin,” 277–79, in Young-tsu Wong, 188.

  36. 36.

    John R. Shepherd, “The Island Frontier of the Ch’ing, 1684–1780”, Murray A. Rubinstein ed., Taiwan: A New History, Armonk, N.Y.: M.E. Sharpe, ©2007, 108. Young-tsu Wong gave an even lower figure of no more than 30,229 Fujianese (might be referring only to people from southern Fujian) but the sudden drop in manpower pressured local officials to petition to the Qing court to transport civilians back to Taiwan, which may result in a further increase to the proposed figure of 30,229. See Young-tsu Wong, 193–194.

  37. 37.

    John R. Shepherd, “The Island Frontier of the Ch’ing, 1684–1780”, 112.

  38. 38.

    Shi Lang , Jinghai jishi, 27; cf. Jiang Risheng, Taiwan waiji, vol. 3, 411, in Young-tsu Wong, 167–168.

  39. 39.

    Taiwan fuzhi 台灣府志, Volume 2, http://ctext.org/wiki.pl?if=gb&chapter=721099, last accessed 6 November 2017.

  40. 40.

    Taiwan fuzhi 台灣府志, Volume 7, https://ctext.org/wiki.pl?if=gb&chapter=94661, last accessed 6 November 2017.

  41. 41.

    The term “Pear Garden” is used to refer to Chinese theatre in general. See Bihai Jiyou 稗海紀遊 http://www.guoxue123.com/tw/01/044/003.htm, accessed 30 Oct 17.

  42. 42.

    Chiu Kun-liang, Rizhi shiqi Taiwan xiju zhi yanjiu, 2.

  43. 43.

    Chiu Kun-liang, Rizhi shiqi Taiwan xiju zhi yanjiu, 7.

  44. 44.

    Penghu ting zhi 澎湖廳志, Vol. 9 ‘Fengsu’, Taiwan congshu ben, Vol. 1, No. 7, 1968, 311 , in Chiu Kun- Liang, Juchang yu daochang, guanzhong yu xinzhong: Taiwan xiju yu yishi lunji 劇場與道場,觀眾與信眾—台灣戲劇與儀式論集, 61.

  45. 45.

    Shen Chi-sheng, Jinjiang Nanpai zhangzhong mu’ou tan gai,Fuzhou: Hai xia wen yi chu ban she, 1998, 8.

  46. 46.

    Shen Chi-sheng 沈繼生, Jinjiang nanpai zhangzhong mu’ou tan gai, 8, in Ye Mingsheng, Fujian kuileixi shi lun, 1088.

  47. 47.

    Anping xian zaji 安平縣雜記, http://ctext.org/wiki.pl?if=gb&chapter=991056, last accessed 5 November 2017.

  48. 48.

    Another special role played by string puppet theatre that sets it apart from opera and glove puppet theatre is that it is deemed fit only for the Heavenly Emperor , the highest divinity in Daoist belief. A possible reason for this is that the string puppet is seen as a manifestation of a god, as in the case of Chief Marshal Tian. See Margaret Chan, Ritual is Theatre, 135–136.

  49. 49.

    Anping xian za ji, http://ctext.org/wiki.pl?if=gb&chapter=991056, last accessed 5 November 2017.

  50. 50.

    Hsu used the term “yi zhi” to mean the transplantation of culture and theatrical genres from southern Fujian to Taiwan. See Hsu Ya-hsiang, Rizhi shiqi Zhongguo xiban zai Taiwan, Taipei: Nantian shuju youxian gongsi, 1.

  51. 51.

    Shih-Shan Henry Tsai, “British Footprints on Taiwan: Consulates, Trading Firms, and Presbytarian Churches”, Maritime Taiwan: Historical Encounters with the East and West, 63–86.

  52. 52.

    Historical Dictionary of Taiwan, 15; Robert Gardella, “From Treaty Ports to Provincial Status, 1860–1894”, Murray A. Rubinstein, Taiwan: A New History, 165.

  53. 53.

    During the mid-nineteenth century, Japan was forced to sign various treaties with the Americans, British and Russians. See Piotr Olender, Sino- Japanese Naval War 1894–1895, 10. Shelley Rigger, “Building Taiwan”, Why Taiwan Matters: Small Island, Global Powerhouse, 19.

  54. 54.

    Piotr Olender, Sino-Japanese Naval War 1894–1895, 14–17.

  55. 55.

    In 1874, the Japanese launched an expedition in southern Taiwan and this move was regarded as an imperialist attempt that eventually worsened the conflict between Japan and China. See Robert Gardella, “From Treaty Ports to Provincial Status, 1860–1894”, 165.

  56. 56.

    I refer mainly to Chiu’s model but also consider Lamley’s classification for a more balanced and updated approach. Chiu Kun-liang, Rizhi shiqi Taiwan xiju zhi yanjiu, 9; Harry J. Lamley, “Taiwan under Japanese Rule , 1895–1945: The Vicissitudes of Colonialism,” in Murray A. Rubinstein, Taiwan: A New History, 203–247.

  57. 57.

    Chiu Kun-liang, Rizhi shiqi Taiwan xiju zhi yanjiu, 10.

  58. 58.

    Yang Du, Riju shiqi Taiwan xinju yundong, Taibei shi: Shibao wenhua, 1994, 19.

  59. 59.

    For a more detailed discussion of this movement, see Yang Du, Riju shiqi Taiwan xinju yundong.

  60. 60.

    It was recorded that between 1898 and 1902, the casualties of anti-Japanese rebels were numbered 11,950. See Yukio Kiyasu (trans.) 喜安幸夫Taiwan kang ri mishi 臺灣抗日秘史, translated by Chen Hsi 晨曦, Taibei wuling chubanshe, 1984, in Yang Du, Riju shiqi Taiwan xinju yundong, 20.

  61. 61.

    An estimated 23 per cent of the total population, numbering more than 6,400 people, returned to China between 1895 and 1897. These figures did not reflect returns made illegally or unofficially. See Harry J. Lamley, “Taiwan under Japanese Rule”, 208.

  62. 62.

    Harry J. Lamley, “Taiwan under Japanese Rule”, 204.

  63. 63.

    Chiu Kun-liang, Rizhi shiqi Taiwan xiju zhi yanjiu, 36.

  64. 64.

    For the English translation of 神樂殿, I thank Kaori Fushiki for her advice.

  65. 65.

    Magozo Sakura 佐倉孙三, Taifeng zaji 臺風雜記, http://www.guoxue123.com/tw/03/107/009.htm, last accessed 9 Nov 17. Also see Lin Mei-rong, Zhiminzhe dui zhimindi de fengsu jilu—Zuocang Sunsan suo zhu Taifeng Zaji zhi tantao (The colonialists’ records of the customs of the colonized land—A discussion of Magozo Sakura’s “Miscellaneous Records of Taiwan customs”), Taiwan wenxian, 55(3), 2004, 7–24.

  66. 66.

    Harry J. Lamley, “Taiwan under Japanese Rule ”, 212.

  67. 67.

    Harry J. Lamley, “Taiwan under Japanese Rule”, 218.

  68. 68.

    Chiu Kun-liang, Rizhi shiqi Taiwan xiju zhi yanjiu, 42–43;Wu Te-kung吳德功, “Guanguang riji”, Taiwan youji, Taiwan wenxian congkan di 89 zhong, 29, 36.

  69. 69.

    The remark of proving Japan’s status as colonizer through the graphophone industry was made by Lin Liang-che. See Lin Liang-che, “Rizhi shiqi Gezaixi de shangye huodong”, Bai Nian Gezai 2001 nian haixia liang an gezaixi fazhan jiao yantaohui lunwenji 百年歌仔–2001 年海峽兩岸歌仔戲發展交.研討會論文集, 434. For the discussion of the Columbia Graphophone industry and its peak in the 1930s, see Hsu Li-sha and Lin Liang-che, Cong rizhi shiqi changpian kan Taiwan gezai xi, Vol. 1, 80.

  70. 70.

    Lin Ho-Yi, Taiwan xiju shi, 163.

  71. 71.

    A few scholars have provided varying accounts on the prototype of gezai xi. For example, Lin Ho-yi mentioned amateur performers (zidi 子弟) whereas Chiu Kun-liang stated the performance was conducted by blind singers (jianghu mang yiren 江湖盲藝人). I have decided to categorize these performers as ‘folk performers’ to avoid further confusion. See Lin Ho-yi, Taiwan gezai xi (Taibei shi: Xinzhengyuan Xinwenju chuban, 2000), 9–10; Chiu Kun-liang, Rizhi shiqi Taiwan xiju zhi yanjiu (1895–1945): Jiuju yu xinju, (Taibei shi: Zili Wanbao wenhua chubanbu, 1992),183–186. Most scholars are agreeable that gezai xi originated in Ilan. See Xu Lisha and Lin Liang-che, Cong rizhi shi qi changpian kan Taiwan gezai xi, Vol. 1 (Tansuo pian), (Yilan Wujiexiang Chuanyi zhongxin, 2007), 43.

  72. 72.

    Yang Fuling, Gezai xi shi. Taizhong: Chenxing chuban gongsi, 2002, 55.

  73. 73.

    Taiwan zongdu fu wenjiaoju, Chinese theatre and Taiwanese theatre in Taiwan台湾に於ける支那演劇及台湾演劇, 1928, 1–15, cited from Chiu Kun-Liang, Rizhi shiqi Taiwan xiju zhi yan jiu, Appendix 2: Zhao he er nian (1927) ge zhou ting yanjiu yi lan biao, 421–436.

  74. 74.

    Hsu Li-sha and Lin Liang-che, Cong rizhi shiqi changpian kan Taiwan gezai xi, 442.

  75. 75.

    For the term on “New-style Gezai opera ”, see Hsu Li-sha and Lin Liang-che, Cong rizhi shiqi changpian kan Taiwan gezai xi, 81.

  76. 76.

    It should be noted that Gezai opera spread from Taiwan to Fujian, which also affected the livelihood of existing theatrical forms such as Liyuan opera and Gaojia opera . Information from the shellac discs also revealed that graphophone companies sought to employ famous singers from Amoy to take part in these Gezai opera music productions. See National Taiwan University Library Online Data of the 78rpm records, http://cvweb.lib.ntu.edu.tw/main/78rpmrecords/index.html, accessed 12 November 2017.

  77. 77.

    These two productions possibly incorporated Nanguan music. As mentioned above, the National Taiwan University Library has a rich online database of shellac discs produced from the 1920s to the 1950s, see http://cvweb.lib.ntu.edu.tw/main/78rpmrecords/index.html, accessed 12 November 2017.

  78. 78.

    Ann Heylen, “Loading the Matrix: Taiwanese in Historical Perspective”, Carsten Storm, Mark Harrison ed., The Margins of Becoming: Identity and Culture in Taiwan, Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2007, 47.

  79. 79.

    Shih Kuang-sheng and Wang Ch’un-mei, Pingtung Budaixi de liupai yu yishu 屏東布袋戲的流派與藝術 (The style and art of glove puppet theatre in Pingtung), Yilan, Wujiexiang: Guoli chuantong yishu zhong xin, 2007, 12.

  80. 80.

    Lin Ho-Yi, Taiwan xiju shi, Taibei shi: Guoli Taida chuban zhongxin, 2015, 191–192.

  81. 81.

    Interview of Su Ming-shun 蘇明順 and Hung Meng 洪孟 in Pingtung by Liang Hui-Ding 梁慧婷 on 21 July 1999, in Shih and Wang, Pingtung budaixi de liupai yu yishu, 12.

  82. 82.

    For an excerpt of such an intermixed performance, see the performance by Huang Wen-Tse, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=uBFT5hc0KjU, last accessed 30 November 2017.

  83. 83.

    Hsieh Hsiao-Mei, “Music from a Dying Nation: Taiwanese Opera in China and Taiwan during World War II”, Asian Theatre Journal, Vol. 27, No. 2 (Fall 2010), 271–272.

  84. 84.

    Stanton Jue, “Quemoy: A Tale of Two Islands Redux”, American Journal of Chinese Studies, Vol. 11, No. 1 (April 2004), 37.

  85. 85.

    I have opted to use the term “Kinmen” instead of Jinmen because of the former’s association with the Hokkien pronunciation.

  86. 86.

    Yang T’ien-Hou, Lin Li-Guan 楊天厚, 林麗寬, Jinmen bian-e renwu 金門匾額人物, 32–33.

  87. 87.

    Yang and Lin, Jinmen bian-e renwu, 42–43.

  88. 88.

    Yang Chung-Hsün 楊忠洵, Jinmen kuileixi 金門傀儡戲, 30.

  89. 89.

    There are supposedly more than 20 graduates of Kinmen ancestry during the Ming (Jiajing) period. See Lin Gun-Huang 林焜熿, Jinmen zhi.

  90. 90.

    Wan Youzheng萬友正 eds., Maxiangting zhi 馬巷廳志, 60, in Lin Shih-Te 李仕德, Shiqi shiji de haishang Jinmen 十七世紀的海上金門, 10.

  91. 91.

    Lin Shih-Te, Shiqi shiji de haishang Jinmen, 47; Jinmen shigao 金門史稿, 4.

  92. 92.

    Lin Shih-Te, “Da xie Jinmen wenhua lishi: Wenhua Jinmen jilu”大寫金門文化歷史——《文化金門全紀錄》述介, Quan guo xinshu zixun yuekan 全國新書資訊月刊, September 2007, 92–93.

  93. 93.

    Lin Shih-Te, Shiqi shiji de haishang Jinmen, 63–64.

  94. 94.

    Yang Chung-Hsün, “Jinmen kuileixi”, 4. Zhang Hao is also the teacher of Yang Tzu-liang (楊子良), father of Yang T’u-chin, whom I interviewed during my fieldtrip to Kinmen in 2016. According to Yang T’u-chin’s recollection, his father learnt from Zhang Hao when the former was 20 years old. Yang T’u-chin, Personal interview, 16 October 2016.

  95. 95.

    Dangdai Jinmen yanyi de bianqian 當代金門演藝的變遷, 38–39.

  96. 96.

    Jinmen xianzhi 金門縣志, Vol. 3 Renmin Zhi, 439–440.

  97. 97.

    Li Wen Tsai (李文載), a famous veteran performer of Gaojia opera , recalled learning opera in Kuningtou during the Japanese Occupation. See http://www.kmdn.gov.tw/1117/1271/1274/31847?cprint=pt, last accessed 17 November 2017.

  98. 98.

    There are speculations as to the real name of this Gaojia opera performer, including Ts’ai Ssu-chang (蔡泗長) or Ts’ai Ssu-ch’ung (蔡泗重). See Caituan faren zhonghua minus yishu jijinhui ed. 2002 Liang an xiqu dazhan xueshu yantaohui lunwenji 兩岸戲曲大展學術研討會論文集, Yilan xian: Guoli chuantong yishu zhongxin, 2003, 456, Note 84.

  99. 99.

    Performance to raise funds for war efforts in Kinmen, Nanyang Siang Pao, 6 November 1939, 6, http://eresources.nlb.gov.sg/newspapers/Digitised/Article/nysp19391106- 1.2.47?ST=1&AT=filter&K=%25u6b4c%25u4ed4%25u6232&KA=%25u6b4c%25u4ed4%25u6232&DF= &DT=&AO=false&NPT=&L=&CTA=&NID=nysp&CT=&WC=&YR=1939&P=3&;Display=0&filterS=0&QT=%E6%AD%8C,%E4%BB%94,%E6%88%B2&oref=article, last accessed 17 November 2017.

  100. 100.

    The Crawfurd Treaty signed in 1824 between the Malay chiefs and British meant that the former ceded Singapore to the East India Company . After 1824, the Malay Temenggong (chief) and his successors had little say in the development of the Singapore port. See Constance Mary Turnbull, A History of Modern Singapore: 1819–2005, Singapore: NUS Press, c2009, 5. Archaeologists and historians have argued that Singapore’s history started at an earlier time, with some even pushing the timeline to 500 years earlier. See Chong Guan Kwa, Tai Yong Tan, Derek Heng ed., Singapore: A 700-year history. Singapore: National Archives of Singapore, 2009. In a more recent publication, Miksic categorized the period before the nineteenth century as the pre-colonial era of Singapore. See John Miksic, Singapore and the Silk Road of the Sea, 1300- 1800. Singapore: NUS Press, 2013.

  101. 101.

    Kuhn, Chinese Among Others, 110–111.

  102. 102.

    Ng, Trade and Society, 145.

  103. 103.

    Ng, Trade and Society, 4.

  104. 104.

    The ‘gong’ (工) in imperial China differs from that of Singapore. In China, ‘gong’ usually referred to skilled artisans, but in Singapore they should be referred as ‘labourers’ who were further categorized into skilled and unskilled. I will use the term ‘workers’ instead of ‘artisans’ here.

  105. 105.

    “Public shy of helping the police: Open-air performances may be prohibited”, The Straits Times, 28 June 1935, 20.

  106. 106.

    For example, when the Hokkien clan established the Thian Hock Keng temple in 1840, the Singapore Hokkien Huay Kuan (Association for the Hokkiens) served as its management. See Thian Hock Keng, http://thianhockkeng.com.sg/site/about/ and Singapore Hokkien Huay Kuan, http://www.shhk.com.sg/about-us/, last accessed 17 November 2017.

  107. 107.

    The strait of Singapore, in the old days, was known as Selat (实叻 in Chinese) in Malay.

  108. 108.

    Kuhn stated that the temple was found in 1838 by donations from Malacca Babas and affluent Hokkien junk owners. Even though the temple was supposed to serve members of all speech groups, the Hokkien became a dominant member group by 1860. See Kuhn, Chinese among others, 163–164.

  109. 109.

    ‘Thian Hock Keng’ in Singapore, http://www.thianhockkeng.com.sg/ch/ch_aboutus.html, accessed 14 June 2013; image for reference by National Archives of Singapore. http://drm.a2o.nas.sg/DJVUServer/getImage.jsp?file=/picas_data/tn_pcd/19980006417-8154-3221-1341/img0086.jpg, accessed 16 April 2013; Infopedia, “Telok Ayer Street”, http://infopedia.nl.sg/articles/SIP_656_2004-12-31.html, accessed 15 April 2013.

  110. 110.

    Chen Hua, Hai wai chao ren (Guangzhou: Guangdong ren min chu ban she, 2007), 35; http://www.ngeeann.com.sg/zh/wak-hai-cheng-bio/, accessed 2 December 2014.

  111. 111.

    Chen Hua, Hai wai chao ren, 35.

  112. 112.

    Kuhn observed this trend in occupation specialization. See Kuhn, Chinese among others, 171–172.

  113. 113.

    Huang Renshui (黃壬水), a third-generation carver from Kinmen, occasionally joined Hokkien puppet performances and carved glove puppet heads in Siam . He married a local woman there before his arrival in Singapore. In 1897, his elder brother died and he travelled to Singapore to take over his shop Say Tian Kok (Xi Tian Guo 西天國). Ng Yew Kian (Huang Youjian 黃猷建, son of Huang Renshui), National Archives of Singapore, Accession Number 000158, 17 February 1982, 6.

  114. 114.

    When Lee Chye Ee (李載飴) of the Jit Guat Sin (日月生) troupe arrived in Kuala Selangor and Klang in Malaya , clan associations (xiangqin huiguan 鄉親會館) and the local rubber association invited him to perform. He also performed at a club (ju le bu 俱樂部) in Malacca by invitation from a colleague’s relative. Lee Chye Ee, National Archives of Singapore, Accession Number 000936, 1988, 15.

  115. 115.

    Kuhn, Chinese among others, 58.

  116. 116.

    Kuhn, Chinese among others, 103.

  117. 117.

    There were also accounts of Chinese betraying their kinsmen out of desperation or blinded by the lucrative trade. See Kuhn, Chinese among others, 128–130.

  118. 118.

    Kuhn, Chinese among others, p. 162; Lisa Lim, “Migrants and ‘mother tongues’: Extralinguistic forces in the ecology of English in Singapore”, Lisa Lim, Anne Pakir, Lionel Wee ed., English in Singapore: Modernity and Management, Singapore: NUS Press, 2010, 23–24.

  119. 119.

    Lisa Lim, “Migrants and ‘mother tongues’: Extralinguistic forces in the ecology of English in Singapore”, 23–24.

  120. 120.

    Kuhn, Chinese among others, 71.

  121. 121.

    Lisa Lim, “Migrants and ‘mother tongues’: Extralinguistic forces in the ecology of English in Singapore”, 24.

  122. 122.

    Phyllis Chew, A Sociolinguistic history of early identities in Singapore, 44; Definitions also taken from Merriam Webster.

  123. 123.

    For the list of existing Hokkien glove puppet troupes in Singapore, please refer to Caroline Chia, “Potehi in Singapore”, Kaori Fushiki and Robin Ruizendaal eds., Potehi: Glove Puppet Theatre in Southeast Asia and Taiwan. Taiyuan Publisher, 2015.

  124. 124.

    There is a lack of information on Gaojia opera in Singapore. Most of the information has to be drawn upon Gwee Bock Huat’s interview. Gwee Bock Huat recalled how troupes occasionally performed in rented theatres in Malaya and the audience would have to purchase tickets to watch the performances. He also reminisced that in the 1920s, there were already female performers in Singapore. See Gwee Bock Huat, National Archives of Singapore, Accession No. 002985/19 (2005–2006), 22–23.

  125. 125.

    Bai and Li, Gaojiaxi, 36.

  126. 126.

    Bai and Li, Gaojiaxi, 36.

  127. 127.

    Wei Mufa xi shuo fujianxi”, in Wang, Liyuan hua dangnian, 69.

  128. 128.

    Wang, Liyuan hua dangnian, 69.

  129. 129.

    “Workers under 16 years of age: Total 124”, The Singapore Free Press, 15 September 1961, 21.

  130. 130.

    Gwee Bock Huat’s oral history interview, cited in Angela Chan, “Fujian opera in Singapore: Cases of Oral History”, Honours Thesis, National University of Singapore, 2000, p. 13. The “Fu Yong Xing” troupe was said to be active between the years 1908 to 1913 and was later succeeded by the son to form “Fu Quan Xing” (福泉兴) and performed till 1938. See Yonghua Bai, “Zhan zhuan dong nan ya: Gaojiaxi hai wai bai nian (1840–1940)” [The transit to Southeast Asia : The hundred years of Gaojia opera overseas (1840–1940)], Fujian lun tan ren wen she hui ke xue bao [Humanities and social sciences edition: Fujian discussion forum], Vol. 8 (2011), 65.

  131. 131.

    Angela Chan, “Fujian opera in Singapore: Cases of Oral History”, 9.

  132. 132.

    Lee Chye Ee (1919–1991) recalled performing Huang Feihu retaliating against the five hurdles during a competition show (douxi 斗戲) with another troupe during the 1950s. See Lee Chye Ee, National Archives of Singapore, Accession No. 000936, 26.

  133. 133.

    For an account of the transition from Gaojia opera to Gezai opera , see Shen Huiru, “Lun Taiwan Gezaixi yu Xinjiapo de jiaoliu”, Qiu Yue Dui Ge: Taiwan Xinjiapo Gezaixi de fazhan yu jiaoliu yantaohui lunwenji (Taipei: Xing zheng yuan wenhua jianshe weiyuanhui, 1999).

  134. 134.

    This information is retrieved from the personal notes handwritten by Gwee and kindly provided by Mr. Xu Yongshun in 2013.

  135. 135.

    Chan, “Fujian opera in Singapore: Cases of Oral History”, 10.

  136. 136.

    This comment was provided by Soon Siew Eng. See Soon Siew Eng, 000853/1, p. 6; 000853/2, 21.

  137. 137.

    Gwee Bock Huat’s oral history interview, Chan, “Fujian opera in Singapore: Cases of Oral History”, 11.

  138. 138.

    Chan, “Fujian opera in Singapore: Cases of Oral History”, 12, Note 14.

  139. 139.

    Regarding the year of arrival of the Feng Huang troupe, Chan held the view that it was in 1930 instead of 1929. See Chan, “Fujian opera in Singapore: Cases of Oral History”, 12, Note 15.

  140. 140.

    Shen Huiru, “Lun Taiwan Gezaixi yu Xinjiapo de jiaoliu”, 49.

  141. 141.

    The migration wave of the late nineteenth century and early twentieth century brought many Chinese from China to Singapore. The majority of these Chinese migrants took up manual work and were known as ‘Chinese workers’ (huagong 華工). Rich businessmen who travelled overseas in search of business opportunities were much lesser in number but the numbers did gradually increase overtime when some of the Chinese workers became rich after years of hard work and an establishment of a good network in the country of migration . In China, there was also the literati class but this group of people rarely travelled or migrated to Singapore. As Gaojia opera was performed in Nanguan music and sung in classical Chinese, only some of the rich businessmen and literati could understand; See Zhang Xuequan, Xinjiapo jie xi yan jiu, Honours Dissertation, National University of Singapore, 1993, 87.

  142. 142.

    Gwee Bock Huat, National Archives of Singapore, Accession No. 002985/19 (2005–2006), 39.

  143. 143.

    ‘Fu An Xing’ was the troupe of Gwee Bock Huat’s grandfather whereas ‘Fu Yong Xing’ was established by his father. Sin Sai Hong shifted its base from Kuala Lumpur to Singapore in 1953. At that time, there were already other troupes like Ying Yan (莺燕), Xin Qi Lin (新麒麟) and Nan Yi (南艺). See Wang Zhenchun, Liyuan hua dangnian, 63, 71.

  144. 144.

    “Minju Gezaixi yishu yuanliu”, Nanyang Siang Pau, 5 May 1976, NL8714, 15, http://eresources.nlb.gov.sg/newspapers/Digitised/Article/nysp19760505- 1.2.37.5?ST=1&AT=search&k=%E6%AD%8C%E4%BB%94%E6%88%8F%20%E5%94%B1%E7%89%87&Q T=%E6%AD%8C,%E4%BB%94,%E6%88%8F,%E5%94%B1,%E7%89%87&oref=article last accessed 18 November 2017.

  145. 145.

    In contemporary Singapore, there is sometimes usage of the term “jiali” (加禮) which has the same pronunciation in the Hokkien vernacular as “kuilei” (傀儡). However, as Ruizendaal said that it cannot be proven that the term ‘Ka-lé-hi’ (嘉禮戲/加禮戲) is a Minnan homonym of kuileixi as there were very few written sources proving that this term existed before 1949, I will stick to the latter throughout the discussion of Hokkien string puppet theatre .

  146. 146.

    Lee Chye Ee, Accession Number 000936, 1988, 29. In the interview transcript, the term ‘Ka-lé’ is written as 加礼 but I have changed to ‘傀儡’ to avoid confusion. According to Margaret Chan, “The Hokkien Daoists in Singapore call marionette theatre ‘toa-hi’ (大戲), meaning ‘big show’, because string puppet theatre (not glove puppet) is considered the most sacred of religious dramas. This is because marionettes are believed to be filled with spirit power, so that a dancing puppet is literally a dancing god. See Margaret Chan, Ritual is Theatre, 136.

  147. 147.

    Tan Ching Yam, Accession Number 001973/8, 17 November 1997; See Hong Peng, Accession Number 000808/49, 14 September 1987.

  148. 148.

    Goh Swee Theng, interview by Zac Li, 8 June 2015.

  149. 149.

    Margaret Chan, Ritual is Theatre, 136.

  150. 150.

    Reference for the xiepu ritual is taken from Khun Eng Kuah-Pearce, Rebuilding the Ancestral Village: Singaporeans in China, 213.

  151. 151.

    Lee Chye Ee, Accession Number 000936, 1988, 36.

  152. 152.

    Choo Shu, Accession Number 000856/30, 22 December 1987, 350.

  153. 153.

    For more details on the exorcistic dance of Chief Marshal Tian , see Ruizendaal, Marionette Theatre in Quanzhou , 306–316.

  154. 154.

    Ruizendaal, Marionette Theatre in Quanzhou, 301.

  155. 155.

    Personal interview of X (anonymous), 21 December 2017.

  156. 156.

    Lee Chye Ee, Accession Number 000936, 1988, 8, 34.

  157. 157.

    Recollection of the performances during his father’s time, see Ng Yew Kian, Accesion Number 000874, 19 January 1988, 17.

  158. 158.

    Lee Chye Ee, Accession Number 000936, 1988, 39–40.

  159. 159.

    Lee Chye Ee, Accession Number 000936, 1988, 39–40.

  160. 160.

    Lee Chye Ee, Accession Number 000936, 1988, 25.

  161. 161.

    For a more detailed study of glove puppet theatre in Singapore, see Caroline Chia, “Potehi in Singapore”.

  162. 162.

    Ng Yew Kian, Accession No. 000874, 19 January 1988, 3–8.

  163. 163.

    Ng Yew Kian, Accession Number 000874, 19 January 1988, 4, 20.

  164. 164.

    Ng Yew Kian, Accession Number 000158, 17 February 1982, Reel No. 4, 43.

  165. 165.

    Lee Chye Ee, Accession Number 000936, 1988, 26.

  166. 166.

    Lee Chye Ee, Accession Number 000936, 1988, 78.

  167. 167.

    Lee Chye Ee, Accession No. 000936, 6 June 1988, 40.

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Chia, C. (2019). Across the Seas. In: Hokkien Theatre Across The Seas. Springer, Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-1834-4_3

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