Skip to main content

Future, Alternatives and Volition: The Origin of Markers of Future Tense and Alternative Questions in Archaic Chinese

  • Chapter
  • First Online:
New Perspectives on Aspect and Modality in Chinese Historical Linguistics

Part of the book series: Frontiers in Chinese Linguistics ((FiCL,volume 5))

  • 358 Accesses

Abstract

This article first discusses the future markers 將 jiāng, 且 qiě, and 其 in Archaic Chinese; it suggests that these future uses may have been derived from verbs of volition. Similarly, analyses of the use of jiāng, ‘qie, and in alternative questions reveal that their origin is also related to their volitional meaning. In addition, the markers of alternative questions in Archaic Chinese 寧 níng, 意 , and 抑 are being examined; in this context, we will demonstrate that 抑 merely functions as a loan for 意 . In the last part of the analysis we emphasize the relevance that linguistic studies be carried out systematically.

English translation by Mu Yezi

This is a preview of subscription content, log in via an institution to check access.

Access this chapter

Chapter
USD 29.95
Price excludes VAT (USA)
  • Available as PDF
  • Read on any device
  • Instant download
  • Own it forever
eBook
USD 39.99
Price excludes VAT (USA)
  • Available as EPUB and PDF
  • Read on any device
  • Instant download
  • Own it forever
Hardcover Book
USD 54.99
Price excludes VAT (USA)
  • Durable hardcover edition
  • Dispatched in 3 to 5 business days
  • Free shipping worldwide - see info

Tax calculation will be finalised at checkout

Purchases are for personal use only

Institutional subscriptions

Notes

  1. 1.

    The relation between future and volition can also be explained by the fact that the VP expressing the event in the complement of volitional verbs or auxiliaries is frequently in future tense. That is to say, volitional verbs or auxiliaries themselves already contain the semantics of future tense. In Archaic Chinese, such verbs include 圖 , 謀 móu, 冀 , 望 wàng, 願 yuàn, 欲 , 肯 kěn, and 敢 gǎn. Examples of these words are given below:

    1. (i)

      絕雲氣, 負青天, 然後圖南。(zhuāngzì, xiāoyāo yóu)

      Jué__yún__qì,__fù__qíng__tiān,__rànhòu__tú__nán

      Split__cloud__air,__carry__blue__sky,__afterwards__plan__south

      (Fly) beyond the clouds, with the blue sky on the back, and then (it) plans to head to the south.

    2. (ii)

      崔杼與慶封謀殺齊莊公。 (lùshì chūnqiū, shènxíng)

      Cūi__Zhù__yǔ__Qìng__Fēng__móu__shā__Qí__Zhuāng__gong

      Cui__Zhu__and__Qing__Feng__plot__kill__Qi__Zhuang__duke

      Cui Shu and Qing Feng planned to kill Lord Zhuang of Qi.

    3. (iii)

      因釋其耒而守株, 冀復得兔。 (hánfēi zǐ, wǔdù)

      Yīn__shì__qí__lěi__ér__shǒu__zhū,__jì__fù__dé__tù

      Therefore__loosen__plow__CON__guard__stump,__hope__again__get__hare

      Cui Shu and Qing Feng planned to kill Lord Zhuang of Qi.

    4. (iv)

      子路曰: 由願聞其人也。 (kǒngzǐ jiāyǔ)

      Zǐ__lù__yuē__yóu__yuàn__wèn__qí__rén__yě

      Zi__Lu__say:__You__wish__hear__POSS__man__SFP

      Zi Lu said: ‘I would like to hear about his personality.”

    5. (v)

      (趙)高雅得幸於胡亥, 欲立之。 (shǐjì, Biography of Meng Tian)

      (Zhào)__Gāo__yǎ__dé__xìng__yú__Hú__Hài,__yù__lì__zhī

      (Zhao)__Gao__always__get__favour__at__Hu__Hai,__wish__establish__him

      Zhao Gao was always favoured by king Hu Hai who would like to promote him to a higher position.

    6. (vi)

      終風且霾, 惠然肯來。 (shījīng, qífēng, zhōngfēng)

      Zhōng__fēng__qiě__mái,__huì__rán__kěn__lái

      End__wind__and__fog,__smoothly__willing__come

      It has been windy and foggy the whole day, would (he) be willing to come back?

    7. (vii)

      吾敢不敬乎!(zhuāngzǐ yúfù)

      Wú__gǎn__bù__jìng__hū

      I dare NEG respect Q

      How dare I to disrespect him!

    If the volitional verbs are deleted in these sentences, the following VP would not be in future tense. The presence of the volitional verbs results in the following VP having a future sense. Apart from these, verbs of promise, advice, order, assumption, and presumption contain features of future tense, caused by the semantic feature of volition in a promise, advice, and an order.

  2. 2.

    Heine and Kuteva (2002: 310) listed 要 yào as a word derived from verb and developing into marker of future tense.

  3. 3.

    The marker 要 yào in modern Mandarin has the same path of development as has in Middle Chinese. The diachronic change from to yào as markers of future tense is simply a case of lexical replacement.

  4. 4.

    Zhao Qi 趙岐 in his commentary on mèngzǐ, wànzhāng 2, “子以為有王者作, 將比今之諸侯而誅之乎?其教之不改而後誅之乎?

    Do you think, when the true king appears, he will execute the feudal lords of his respective time? Or he would teach them first and execute those who do not change?

    Interpreted this sentence as “子以為後如有聖人興作, 將比地盡誅今之諸侯乎? 將教之其不改者乃誅之乎?

    Do you think, when later a wise man raises, he will execute the feudal lords of the respective time and place? Or will he teach them and those who do not change he would execute?

    In the original text of mèngzǐ, qí and jiāng are in parallel position. Zhao Qi further used jiāng to explain .

  5. 5.

    Based on studies done by foreign researchers, Shi 石毓智 and Bai 白解红 (2007a, b) suggest that there are only three languages in which future tense markers originated from words like ‘take”, and Chinese is one of the three.

  6. 6.

    Shi and Bai 石毓智, 白解红 (2007a, b) did not mention the source of ’s function to mark future tense.

  7. 7.

    In Shuowen, the character writing jiāng appears with the radica l寸 cùn ‘a unit of length’ explained as ‘high-ranking military officier (帥也 shuài yě)”. There is another variant with the radical 手 shǒu ‘hand’, which is explained as ‘to support with the hand (扶也 fú yě)’. It has been proposed that the two are two variants of one word (異體字 yì tǐ zì), with the radical cùn or shǒu, whose original meaning is related with ‘to hold, to take (持拿 chí ná)”.

  8. 8.

    The uses of (酱) jiàng and jiāng for volition are apparently due to the interchangeability between words of the same or similar pronunciation. Their original meaning has nothing to do with volition.

  9. 9.

    This can be exemplified by shījīng, zhèngfēng: 女曰: ‘觀乎!’ 士曰: ‘既且。

    The lady said: ‘(Let us) visit it!’ The man said: ‘(I) have been there.

    Lu 陸德明 (6th–7th c. (CE) comments, “qiě is pronounced like 徂, meaning ‘to go (且音徂, 往也。)”.

  10. 10.

    Yan Shigu commented, “ 宜 is like dāng 當.”

  11. 11.

    庶几 shù- itself already implies the link between volition (庶乎 shù-) and ‘almost’ (幾乎 -). Yùpiān, Section guǎng notes, “庶 shù means to hope (庶, 冀也 shù, jì yě).” Gao You 高诱 also glosses shù in the following instance in huáinán zǐ, móuchēng: “句吴其庶乎? The Wu state is very likely to win with (庶, 幾也).

  12. 12.

    Liu Qi 劉淇’s Qing period zhūzǐ biànluè vol.2 says: 方欲如此而猶未如此者曰將, 故將又通為幾及之辭。

    Jiāng means to be about to be like this, but it is not yet realized, so jiāng is interchangeable with words meaning ‘nearly realized.

  13. 13.

    Please see Heine and Kuteva (2002, pp. 309–310) for details.

  14. 14.

    In the text, A and B are two clauses; ‘SFP” represents a sentence-final particle for mood, and ‘con’ represents an alternative conjunction. Mei 梅祖麟 (1978) points out that in Qin and Han dynasties alternative questions are characterized by the feature that “question words such as 與 , 乎 , 邪 are employed in almost all cases in both clauses/sentences of alternative questions”, and “conjunctions like 抑 , 意 , jiāng, qiě, , and 妄其 wàngqí are frequently inserted.”.

  15. 15.

    Sometimes, the choice is not limited to two options only, like in example (42e). But the original and basic structure of alternative questions is mostly confined to a choice between two options.

  16. 16.

    Alternative variants are 忘其 wúqí or 妄其 wúqí with 忘 and 妄 pronounced as 亡 as in 亡其 wúqí. For example:

    1. (i)

      不識三國之憎秦而愛懷邪?忘其憎懷而愛秦邪? (zhànguó cè, zhào cè)

      Bù__shì__sān__guó__zhī__zēng__Qín__ér__ài__huái__yé?__wú__qí__zēng__ér__ài__Qín__yé

      NEG__know__three__state__GEN__hate__Qin__CON__love__Huan__Q?__maybe__hate__Huan__CON__love__Qin__Q?__

      (I don’t know) whether the three states preferred Huai and hated Qin? Or did they prefer Qin and hated Huai?

    2. (ii)

      道固然乎?妄其欺不谷邪? (guóyǔ, yuèyǔ 2)

      Dào__gù__rán__hū?__Wú__qí__qī__bùgǔ__yé

      Way__certainly__be.like__Q?__or__cheat__I__Q

      Is the principle actually like this? Or you are cheating on me?

  17. 17.

    Sima Zhen 司馬貞’s suǒyǐn commtary remarks, “亡 is indicative of contempt (亡, 猶輕蔑也 wú, yóu qīng miè yě).” The younger Sima split 亡其 wúqí and regarded 亡 as ‘to contempt’; this analysis should not be accepted.

  18. 18.

    Adding to expressing volition and assumption composes the conjunction wúqí for alternative questions. Similarly, adding to jiāng, expressing volition and assumption composes another conjunction 亡將 wújiāng marking alternative questions. For example,

    1. (i)

      不知都之精神在形象邪?匈奴敬畏精神在木也? (lùnhéng, luànláng)

      Bù__zhī__dū__zhī__jīng__shén__zài__xíng__xiáng__yé?__Wú__jiāng__xiōngnú__jìng__wèi__jīng__shén__zài__mù__yě?

      NEG__know__city__GEN__holy__spirit__be.at__statue__Q?__Or__Xiongnu__respect__fear__holy__spirit__be.at__wood?

      I do not know whether it was the holy spirit of the city on a statue? Or the Xiongnu’s mental fear on wood?

    2. (ii)

      不知壽王不得治東郡之術邪?亡將東郡適當復亂而壽王之治偶逢其時也? (lùnhéng, dìngxián)

      bù__zhī__Shòu__wáng__bù__dé__zhì__dōng__jùn__zhī__shù__yé?__wú__jiāng__dōng__jùn__shì__dāng__fù__luàn__ér__wáng__zhī__zhì__ǒu__féng__qí__shí

      NEG__know__Shòu__king__NEG__get__govern__east__shire__GEN__skill__Q?__Or__east__shire__happen__DANG__again__chaos__CON__Shou__king__GEN__govern__accidentally__meet__that__time__Q

      I do not know whether it was the king Shou who did not have the skills to govern the eastern shire? Or whether it was the eastern shire’s rebellion which happened to occur during king Shou‘s’reign?

    3. (iii)

      端端之日有十邪?亡将一有十名也? (lùnhéng, jíshù)

      Duānduān__zhī__rì__yǒu__sān__yé?__Wú__jiāng__yī__yǒu__shí__míng__yě?

      Circling__GEN__sun__have__ten__Q?__Or__one__have__ten__name__SFP

      Are there ten circular suns? Or there is one sun with ten names?

  19. 19.

    Some people misunderstood 意 ’s function of marking alternative questions. For example, Kong Yingda孔颖达 read this sentence as 武王言黃帝顓頊之道恆在於意, 言意恆念之, 但其道超忽已遠, 亦恍惚不可得見與?

    King Wu said that the Dao or philosophy of emperor Huang, Zhuan Xu, is always on their mind, which means that the mind should always take it into consideration. However, their Dao or philosophy occurred too early in history thus it became vague and cannot be seen?

    According to Kong’s comment, the sentence’s punctuation should be: (武王)曰: ‘昔黃帝顓頊之道存乎意, 亦忽不可得見與?” instead. As a result, Kong’s opinion should not be accepted. Wang Pinzhen 王聘珍’s dàdài lǐjì jiěgǔ 大戴礼记解诂 followed Kong’s reading without revision (see 1983: 103 and 174, in the edition printed by Zhonghua shuju).

  20. 20.

    Lü 吕叔湘 (2004: 284), Liu (1994: 335), He 何乐士 (2006) and Xiang 向熹 (2010: 99) all regard 意 and 抑 as two different words. But they did not mention the relation between these two forms.

  21. 21.

    These examples are quoted from Zhang 张玉金 (2011: 239). Since he followed former scholars’ idea regarding 抑 as the original word, all comments in brackets are in the form of ‘抑’.

  22. 22.

    This may have been inspired by Qiu 裘锡圭 (1988) who mentioned that “抑 posited between two clauses in alternative questions in later ancient Chinese may have been derived from this type of 抑 .”.

  23. 23.

    Li 李学勤, Qiu 裘锡圭, and Zhang 张玉金 argued in favor of this hypothesis, whereas Fan 范毓周, Ken-ichi Takashima 高岛谦一, Chen 陈炜湛 and Zhu 朱歧祥 rejected it. Please refer to Zhang 张玉金 (2000) for details.

  24. 24.

    Takashima (1989) regarded 抑 in the oracle bone inscription ‘其雨抑不雨 It rains or not rains” as an alternative conjunction. Zhang 张玉金 (2000) claims that Takashima (1989)’s opinion is not correct.

  25. 25.

    Since 意 and have similar functions, interchangement of them is seldom attested. For example, 意 in ‘豈女為之與? 意鮑為之與? Was it you who did it? Or was it Bao who did it? (mòzǐ, míngguǐ) equals in ‘而 (汝) 罪歟?其鮑之罪歟? And is that your fault or Bao’s fault?’ (lùnhéng, sìyì). Both the alternative markers 亡其 wúqí (see examples 45–47) and 亡意 wúyì are attested in the ancient literature. One example of 亡意 wúyì can be found in ‘上輔孤主以制群臣, 下養百姓以資說士, 矯國更俗, 功名可立也; 亡意亦捐燕棄世, 東遊於齊乎? For the superiors, assist the lord to control the officials; for the inferiors, treat the common people well to support lobbyists; improve the country’s status and change the customs, thus your fame can be established. Or do you give up Yan and the social life here and move eastwards to Qi?)’ (shjì, Biographies of Lu Zhonglian and Zou Yang). 亡意 wúyì is just like 亡其 wúqí, the function of is identical to that of .

  26. 26.

    With regard to the sources of jiāng, qiě, , wúqí 亡其, níng, yì 意, and 抑, former studies believe that they are different in the origins of their development, linguistic features and functions. Please see Li (1990) for details. We suggest that, in Archaic Chinese, the origins of these words are related to volition and that they share similar features and functions. Further investigation should be done on the results of former studies.

References

  • Bai, Jie-Hong, and Yu-Zhi Shi 白解红, 石毓智. 2008. The development from future marking to cognitive modality 将来时标记向认识情态功能的衍生. Foreign Language and Literature 外国语言文学 2: 73–78.

    Google Scholar 

  • Bybee, Joan, William Pagliuca, and Revere Perkins. 1991. Back to the future. In Approaches to Grammaticalization, vol. 2, ed. Elizabeth Traugott and Bernd Heine, 17–58. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.

    Chapter  Google Scholar 

  • Bybee, Joan, William Perkins, and Revere Pagliuca. 1994. The Evolution of Grammar: Tense, Aspect, and Modality in the Languages of the World. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Cao, Guang-Shun 曹广顺. 2010. Discussions raised by the use of sentential conjunctions in Chinese Buddhist translations in Middle Chinese 从中古译经选择问句中连词的使用谈起. Historical Linguistic Studies 历史语言学研究 3: 135–145 (Beijing: The Commercial Press).

    Google Scholar 

  • Chu, Yun-An 楚永安. 1986. Compound Particles in Classical Chinese 文言复式虚词. Beijing: Renmin University Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Dai, Qing-Xia 戴庆厦. 2010. Comparative studies on alternative questions in Tibetan-Burman and Chinese languages 藏缅语、汉语选择疑问句比较研究. Language Studies 语言研究 4: 1–8.

    Google Scholar 

  • Feng, Chun-Tian 冯春田. 1987. Analyses on alternative questions in bamboo texts of Qin tombs 秦墓竹简选择问句分析. Linguistic Research 语文研究 1: 27–30.

    Google Scholar 

  • Gao, Ming-Kai 高名凯. 1986. Discussions on Chinese Grammar 汉语语法论 (Re-printed in 2011). Beijing: The Commercial Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Guan, Jian 关 键. 1987. Interrogative sentences in Shishuo xinyu 《世说新语》的疑问句. Journal of Anshan Normal University 鞍山师范专科学校学报 3: 73–79.

    Google Scholar 

  • He, Feng-Bing 何锋兵. 2004. Brief analyses on the relation between alternative compound sentences and hypothetical compound sentences 选择复句和假设复句关联词交叉现象略谈. Journal of Shaotong Normal University 邵通师范高等专科学校学报 1: 17–20.

    Google Scholar 

  • He, Le-Shi 何乐士. 2006. Dictionary on Particles in Ancient Chinese 古代汉语虚词词典. Beijing: Language and Culture Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Heine, Bernd, and Tania Kuteva. 2002. Word Lexicon of Grammaticalization. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Hong, Bo, and Ying Lan 洪波, 蓝鹰. 2001. Studies on Particles in Archaic Chinese 上古汉语虚词研究. Chengdu: Sichuan People Publishing House.

    Google Scholar 

  • Jiang, Lan-Sheng 江蓝生. 1992. Interrogative adverbs ‘pō, kě (qǐ, níng, gǎn)’ 疑问副词’颇、可(岂、宁、敢)、还’. In Studies on Particles in Old Mandarin 近代汉语虚词研究, ed. Liu, Jiang, Bai and Cao 刘坚, 江蓝生, 白维国, 曹广顺. Beijing: Language and Culture Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Li, Chong-Xing 李崇兴. 1990. The origin of the marker of alternative questions hāishì 选择问记号’还是’的来历. Language Studies 语言研究 2: 76–81 (Re-printed in 2009 in Articles on linguistics 语文识小录. Wuhan: Huazhong University of Science and Technology Press).

    Google Scholar 

  • Li, Xue-Qin 李学勤. 1980. Questions on devine words on Shizu oracle bones 关于师组卜辞的一些问题. Studies on Ancient Chinese Characters 古文字研究, vol. 3, 32–42. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company.

    Google Scholar 

  • Liu, Jing-Nong 刘景农. 1994. Grammar of Classical Chinese 汉语文言语法. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company.

    Google Scholar 

  • Liu, Shi-Zhen 柳士镇. 1992. Historical Grammar of the Wei, Jin and the Northern and Southern Dynasties 魏晋南北朝历史语法. Nanjing: Nanjing University Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Liu, You-Zhi 刘有志. 1995. Discussion on the particle 说说虚词’欲’. Studies on Ancient Chinese 古汉语研究 1: 26–28.

    Google Scholar 

  • Liu, Zi-Yu 刘子瑜. 2005. Reviews on the study of the development of Chinese alternative questions 汉语选择问句历史发展研究评述. Journal of the History of Chinese Language 汉语史学报 5: 99–121 (Shanghai: Shanghai Education Publishing House).

    Google Scholar 

  • Long, Guo-Fu 龙国富. 2010. The development of the temporal categorization of verbs: Take the verbs dāng and jiāng for example 动词的时间范畴化演变: 以动词’当’和’将’为例. Studies on Ancient Chinese 古汉语研究 4: 31–39.

    Google Scholar 

  • Lü, Shu-Xiang 吕叔湘. 1942. Essentials on Chinese grammar 中国文法要略. Re-printed in 2004. Beijing: The Commercial Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Luo, Yao-Hua, and Chen-Lei Zhou 罗耀华, 周晨磊. 2013. The grammaticalization of ‘抑’的去语法化. Language Teaching and Linguistics Studies 语言教学与研究 4: 83–90.

    Google Scholar 

  • Mei, Guang 梅 广. 2015. Outlines of Archaic Chinese 上古汉语语法纲要. Taipei: San Min Book Co., Ltd.

    Google Scholar 

  • Mei, Zu-Lin 梅祖麟. 1978. The origin of alternative questions in Mandarin Chinese 现代汉语选择问句法的来源. Periodicals on Historical Linguistics Studies of Academia Sinica 中央研究院历史语言研究所集刊 49(1): 15–36 (Re-printed in 2000 in Linguistic essays of Mei Zu-lin 梅祖麟语言学论文集. Beijing: The Commercial Press).

    Google Scholar 

  • Ōnishi, Katsuya 大西克也. 2002. The distribution of adverbs jiāng and qiě in uneartherd literature of the Warring States and Qin and Han dynasties from a perspective of dialects 从方言的角度看时间副词’将’‘且’在战国秦汉出土文献中的分布. In Essays in Memory of Wang Li’s Centennial 纪念王力百年诞辰学术论文集. Beijing: The Commercial Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Peng, Fang 彭芳. 2008. Generality and individuality: the modes and mechanism of the grammaticalization of jiāng-lái in English and Chinese 共性与个性: 英汉语表示’将来’意义的语法化模式及机制. Journal of Guangdong University of Foreign Studies 广东外语外贸大学学报 6: 52–56.

    Google Scholar 

  • Qiu, Xi-Gui 裘锡圭. 1988. Investigations on whether the Yes-No questions in devine texts of Yin Xu oracle bones are Ming Ci 关于殷墟卜辞的命辞是否问句的考察. Chinese Language 中国语文 1: 1–21.

    Google Scholar 

  • Ren, Yuan 任 远. 2002. Alternative conjunction 选择连词’其’. Journal of Zhejiang Normal University 浙江师范大学学报 6: 82–84.

    Google Scholar 

  • Shi, Yu-Zhi, and Jie-Hong Bai 石毓智, 白解红. 2007a. The definition of future tense and its lexical source 将来时的概念及其词汇来源. Foreign Language Teaching and Research 外语教学与研究 1: 33–42, 81.

    Google Scholar 

  • Shi, Yu-Zhi, and Jie-Hong Bai 石毓智, 白解红. 2007b. The development from future tense marking to cognitive modality 将来时标记向认识情态功能的衍生. Journal of PLA Information Engineering University 解放军外国语学院学报 1: 1–4.

    Google Scholar 

  • Song, Jin-Lan 宋金兰. 1996. The historical development and distribution of alternative questions in Sino-Tibetan languages 汉藏语选择问句的历史演变及类型分布. Minority Languages of China 民族语文 1: 27–34.

    Google Scholar 

  • Timberlake, Alan. 2007. Aspect, tense, mood. In Language Typology and Syntactic Description, vol. 3, ed. Timothy Shopen. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Takashima, Chi 高嶋谦一. 1989. An essential aspect on divination used in oracle inscriptions of Yin Dynasty 殷代贞卜语言の本质. A summary of the research institute on Japanese culture No.110, 东洋文化研究所纪要110册.

    Google Scholar 

  • Ultan, R. 1978 The Nature of Future Tenses, In Universals of Human Language, vol. 3, ed. Joseph H. Greenberg, 83–124. California: Stanford University Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Wang, Ji-Hong, and Qian-Rui Chen 王继红, 陈前瑞. 2015. The development of the modality and marking of future tense of dāng ‘当’的情态与将来时用法的演化. Chinese Language 中国语文 3: 218–229.

    Google Scholar 

  • Wang, Pin-zhen 王聘珍. 1983. Dàdài lǐjì jiěgǔ 大戴礼记. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company.

    Google Scholar 

  • Wang, Shu-Hua 王淑华. 2009. Research on the development of focus marker in Chinese alternative questions 汉语选择疑问焦点标记演变研究. Shangdong Social Science 山东社会科学 3: 158–160.

    Google Scholar 

  • Wang, Tong-Shang 王统尚. 2009. The marking of future tense by in the history of Chinese 汉语史上’欲’作将来时标记. Hubei Social Science 湖北社会科学 10: 140–142.

    Google Scholar 

  • Wu, Zhen-Yu 武振玉. 2010. Studies on the Particles in Bronze Inscriptions of the Zhou Dynasties 两周金文虚词研究. Beijing: Xian Zhuang Book Bureau.

    Google Scholar 

  • Xiang, Xi 向熹. 2010. Brief History of Chinese Language 简明汉语史, vol. 2. Beijing: The Commercial Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Xiang, Xue-Chun 向学春. 2005. Alternative conjunction and modal adverb 选择连词’其’与语气副词’其’. Journal of Chengde Normal University 承德民族师专学报 3: 48–50.

    Google Scholar 

  • Xiang, Yu-ling 相玉玲. 2008. Studies on the history of alternative questions 选择疑问句的历史研究. Master thesis of Suzhou University.

    Google Scholar 

  • Zhang, Wan-He, and Yu-Zhi Shi 张万禾, 石毓智. 2008. The category of future tense in Mandarin Chinese 现代汉语的将来时范畴. Chinese Learning 汉语学习 5: 27–34.

    Google Scholar 

  • Zhang, Yu-Jin 张玉金. 2000. Questions concerning whether the and zhí are sentence-final modal particles in devine texts on oracle bones 关于卜辞中’抑’和’执’是否句末语气词的问题. Studies on Ancient Chinese 古汉语研究 4: 30–35.

    Google Scholar 

  • Zhang, Yu-Jin 张玉金. 2011. Studies on particles in unearthed texts of the Warring States 出土战国文献虚词研究. Beijing: People’s Publishing House.

    Google Scholar 

  • Zhou, Da-Lin, Le Gao 周大琳, 高乐. 2008. Summary on the studies of alternative questions in ancient Chinese 古汉语选择问句研究概述. Modern Language 现代语文7: 26–27.

    Google Scholar 

  • Zhu, Min-Che 祝敏彻. 1995. The development of alternative questions and positive-negative rhetorical questions in Chinese 汉语选择问、正反问的历史发展. Language Studies 语言研究 2: 117–122.

    Google Scholar 

Download references

Author information

Authors and Affiliations

Authors

Corresponding author

Correspondence to Chirui Hu .

Editor information

Editors and Affiliations

Appendix

Appendix

Dates of the texts discussed

  1. I.

    The texts of Early Archaic Chinese (Before A.D. 100)

    • Analects,

    • Chu ci,

    • chǔ silk texts, II

    • dà dài lǐjì,

    • guǎnzǐ,

    • guōdiàn chǔ slip,

    • guóyǔ,

    • hánfēi zǐ

    • Liji,

    • lùshì chūnqiū

    • mèngzǐ,

    • mòzǐ,

    • qīnghuá slip II,

    • shàngbó chǔ slip II,

    • shàngbó chǔ Slips V,

    • shàngbó chǔ Slips VII,

    • shàngshū,

    • shījīng,

    • shuìhǔdì qínmù zhújiǎn,

    • yìjīng,

    • zhànguó cè,

    • zhōu lǐ

    • Zhuāngzì,

    • Zuǒzhuàn.

  2. II.

    The texts of Late Archaic Chinese (B.C. 200–A.D. 200)

    • huáinánzǐ,

    • kǒngzǐ jiāyǔ

    • shǐjì

    • shuōyuàn,

    • xīnshū,

    • xīnxù,

    • hàn xīpíng stone sutra,

    • hànshū,

    • lùnhéng.

  3. III.

    The texts of Middle Chinese (A.D. 200–700)

    • dàchéng bēifēntuólì jīng

    • fóběnxíng jíjīng,

    • hòuhànshū,

    • jìnshū,

    • shìshuō xīnyǔ.

Rights and permissions

Reprints and permissions

Copyright information

© 2019 Peking University Press and Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd.

About this chapter

Check for updates. Verify currency and authenticity via CrossMark

Cite this chapter

Hu, C. (2019). Future, Alternatives and Volition: The Origin of Markers of Future Tense and Alternative Questions in Archaic Chinese. In: Meisterernst, B. (eds) New Perspectives on Aspect and Modality in Chinese Historical Linguistics. Frontiers in Chinese Linguistics, vol 5. Springer, Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-1948-8_3

Download citation

  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-1948-8_3

  • Published:

  • Publisher Name: Springer, Singapore

  • Print ISBN: 978-981-13-1947-1

  • Online ISBN: 978-981-13-1948-8

  • eBook Packages: Social SciencesSocial Sciences (R0)

Publish with us

Policies and ethics