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The First Twitter President

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The Networked Citizen
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Abstract

Focusing on the ascendance of Trump to the White House and his first two years in office, this chapter explores how Trump’s use of Twitter, his campaign’s tricky tactics and questionable collaboration with companies like Cambridge Analytica, all coupled with the Russian Internet Agency’s successful exploitation of social media shed light on the true Achille’s heel of the networked citizen ideal, the embedded weakness that makes ‘being networked’ a quality that at the same time can be a force for good and a dangerous liability, an opportunity to fight the hubris of power and make the world a better place, all the while serving as fertile ground for social and political exploitation.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    CNN 2013; see documentary in FiveThirtyEight 2016.

  2. 2.

    Cheney 2016.

  3. 3.

    Silver 2015; Reeve 2015; Enten 2015; Grossman 2015.

  4. 4.

    The term populism belongs to that category of contested terms in the political vernacular that can easily confound the readers. It is vague and often used so loosely, and it has generated so many definitions and interpretations (definition often in contradiction with each other), that the temptation for the reader to say it means nothing at all if not always justified, it is certainly understandable. In the context of this book, the term populism refers to one of its identifiable types, political populism. And is here defined as in connection with its role within democratic societies. Borrowing from Margaret Canavon work, populism is best understood as ‘as an appeal to “the people” against both the established structure of power and the dominant ideas and values of the society. This structural feature in turn dictates populism’s characteristic legitimating framework, political style and mood.’ And populist leaders, like Trump, always speak for the people; this is the root of their legitimation claim. Populism movements usually arise in periods of crisis, especially in democracies. Canovan 1999, 3; see also: Müller 2016; and Moffitt 2016.

  5. 5.

    Time Staff 2015.

  6. 6.

    Coleman 2016; Farhi 2016.

  7. 7.

    H. Clinton 2016.

  8. 8.

    Moore 2016.

  9. 9.

    Beaumont 2016.

  10. 10.

    Scott 2016.

  11. 11.

    Tyson and Maniam 2016; Dayen 2016; Montanaro 2016.

  12. 12.

    Lopez and Flores 2017; Navarria 2016.

  13. 13.

    White 2018.

  14. 14.

    Diamond 2016; White 2016.

  15. 15.

    H. R. Clinton 2017, 611.

  16. 16.

    H. R. Clinton 2017, 696; Comey 2018, 298–302.

  17. 17.

    H. R. Clinton 2017, 678.

  18. 18.

    Harding 2017; Isikoff et al. 2018.

  19. 19.

    Mueller et al. 2019.

  20. 20.

    Doherty, Kiley, and Johnson 2016.

  21. 21.

    Ogan et al. 2018, 375.

  22. 22.

    Blaine 2016.

  23. 23.

    Flint and Ballhaus 2015; Grim 2016.

  24. 24.

    Reisman 2016.

  25. 25.

    Harris 2016; Francia 2018; For a breakdown about the content and focus of the Ads see: Tedesco and Dunn 2018; and Hunter et al. 2016.

  26. 26.

    Atkin 2016; MediaMatters Staff 2016; Reisman 2016; Harris 2016.

  27. 27.

    Somin 2016b.

  28. 28.

    Graham 2016.

  29. 29.

    Blake 2016; Lapowsky 2016.

  30. 30.

    Oliphant 2016; Clement 2015.

  31. 31.

    Somin 2016a.

  32. 32.

    Kellman 2018; Marist Poll 2017.

  33. 33.

    Midgley 2016.

  34. 34.

    On 17 October 2005 during the very first episode of The Colbert Report, a late-night-comedy show on Comedy Central, Stephen Colbert the host, or better his namesake alter-ego conservative pundit, claimed his right to truthiness —defined as ‘believing something is true even if it is not supported by facts.’ The concept was similar to that expressed, with less ironic zeal, by President George W. Bush when describing his decision-making process to go to war or appoint a Supreme Court Justice. Later, in an interview, Colbert acknowledged that the word served him as an idiotic descriptor of his alter-ego persona, or as he described him: ‘a well-intentioned, poorly informed, high-status idiot’. Zimmer 2010.

  35. 35.

    BBC News 2018a; VICE News 2018; see also: McIntyre 2018; and Keane 2018; For the origins of the term gaslighting see Carpenter 2018.

  36. 36.

    Carpenter 2018, 17–18.

  37. 37.

    Williams and Delli Carpini 2011; Anderson 2004.

  38. 38.

    Jordan 2016; see also: Skurnik et al. 2005.

  39. 39.

    “2018 Edelman Trust Barometer: Global Report” 2018; Van der Meer 2017.

  40. 40.

    Dale 2018.

  41. 41.

    Robb 2017.

  42. 42.

    Albright 2018.

  43. 43.

    Arendt 2005, 146–47.

  44. 44.

    BBC News 2019.

  45. 45.

    Dreier 2018.

  46. 46.

    Kreiss 2016; Kessel and Castelein 2016.

  47. 47.

    Healy and Haberman 2018.

  48. 48.

    Dale 2018.

  49. 49.

    For audits of Trump’s followers see: Fishkin 2018; and TwitterAudit 2018; For Twitter Users Stats see: Selby 2017; and Shearer and Gottfried 2017.

  50. 50.

    Zak 2018.

  51. 51.

    Phillips 2015.

  52. 52.

    Lederman and Miller 2018.

  53. 53.

    Trump 2017b.

  54. 54.

    The Editorial Board 2018.

  55. 55.

    BBC News 2018b; see also: Tenpas, Kamarck, and Zeppos 2018.

  56. 56.

    Trump 2018; Borger 2018.

  57. 57.

    Source: Echelon Insights 2016; and 2017.

  58. 58.

    Stahl 2017.

  59. 59.

    Stahl 2017; see also: Martínez 2018.

  60. 60.

    Halpern 2018.

  61. 61.

    Cadwalladr and Graham-Harrison 2018; Rosenberg, Confessore, and Cadwalladr 2018.

  62. 62.

    Intelligence Community Assessment 2017.

  63. 63.

    The Russian Government interference took three distinct forms: several attempts to hack online voting systems; a cyber-attack targeting the Democratic National Committee; and the widespread use of social media to influence public opinion. DiResta et al. 2018.

  64. 64.

    Howard et al. 2018a.

  65. 65.

    DiResta et al. 2018.

  66. 66.

    Robert Finkelstein 2011; DiResta et al. 2018.

  67. 67.

    Howard et al. 2018b; Valverde 2016.

  68. 68.

    O’Sullivan, Griffin, and Devine 2017.

  69. 69.

    DiResta et al. 2018.

  70. 70.

    Fraga et al. 2017.

  71. 71.

    See video comparison: Business Insider/YouTube 2016.

  72. 72.

    Ogan et al. 2018.

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Navarria, G. (2019). The First Twitter President. In: The Networked Citizen. Palgrave Macmillan, Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-3293-7_6

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