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Wishful thinking: Japan’s public debate on the Sino-Soviet relationship, 1950–62

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Japan and the Sino-Soviet Alliance, 1950–1964

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Abstract

Even as the terms of the Sino-Soviet Pact were being negotiated in Moscow in early 1950, Japanese were busy debating the likely objective of the alliance, its durability, and the symmetry of the relationship as defined by the new treaty. The consensus among journalists was that Sino-Soviet cooperation appeared ‘very solid for the time being’, but that this was only because of Beijing’s current economic dependence on Moscow. Citing Mao Zedong’s unprecedented two-month stay in the Soviet Union as evidence of difficult relations, many predicted that Titoisation was only a matter of time.1 Leftist intellectuals like Iwamura Michio, director of the pro-Beijing Chugoku Kenkyujo (China Research Institute), denounced such prophecies of ‘rifts’ (tairitsu) and ‘discord’ (fuwa) as the ‘bad miscalculation… [of] Western European propaganda’.2 Indeed, in contrast to the press, many intellectuals both ‘progressive’ and ‘conservative’, claimed that the Chinese and Soviets were now a ‘strong coalition’ (teikei) and even of ‘one flesh’ (ittai). 3

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Notes

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  43. Amo Eiji, ‘Kyosanken kenkyu’ Soren Mondai (Dec. 1958): 16. AmO had been a viceforeign minister during the war, with earlier diplomatic postings to the Soviet Union and China, and authored the infamous ‘Amo plan’ for China of April 1934. Classified as a Class ‘A’ war criminal, he was never tried, and later headed Japan’s UN Association. See Appendix 5 for a list of founding Council of Sovietologists’ members.

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  66. The other papers by Japanese were: Inoki Masamichi, ‘Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought’; Miyashita Tadao, ‘A Comparison of the Chinese and Soviet Economies’; Muramatsu Yuji, ‘The Negotiation between Chinese Communism and Tradition During the Yennan Period’; Amö Eiji, ‘Is Intemational Communism Advancing in the Far East?’; Takahashi Masao, ‘Communism in Japan’; Ueda Toshio, ‘The “Two Chinas” and Japan’; Yamamoto Noboru, ‘Japan’s Communist bloc Trade’ and Itagaki Yoichi, ‘The Prospects for Nationalism, Democracy and Communism in South-East Asia’.

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  99. Onoe even mentioned the possibility of a new Comintern being established to maintain unity. Onoe Masao, ‘Chu-So riron toso no hitsuzensei to genkai’ Kokusai Seiji (Apr. 1963): 68–70.

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  100. Iwamura Michio, ‘Chu-So ronso no ichikosatsu’ Ajia Kenkyu (July 1962): 1–20. In March, Sekai had reprinted an article on the dispute by these famous American Socialists. In it they declared: ‘we have no doubt whatever that the Russians are right and the Chinese wrong.’ And although they blamed the US for China’s condition, the latter was nevertheless diagnosed as suffering from ‘dogmatic leftism’ and hence, ‘the world should be grateful that China’s foreign policy is subject to the moderating influence of the Soviet Union.’ L. Huberman and P. Sweezy, ‘The Sino-Soviet Dispute’ Monthly Review (Dec. 1961): 337–46. Reprinted as ‘Chu-So ronso kakushin’ Sekai (Mar. 1962): 64–71.

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© 2004 C. W. Braddick

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Braddick, C.W. (2004). Wishful thinking: Japan’s public debate on the Sino-Soviet relationship, 1950–62. In: Japan and the Sino-Soviet Alliance, 1950–1964. St Antony’s Series. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230005693_8

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