Abstract
Wholly unknown to some Spaniards and many Europeans, Ceuta is a small Spanish exclave on Morocco’s North African coast, directly across from the Rock of Gibraltar. For the people of Ceuta, their land has been unquestionably Spanish since 1640 when Portugal ceded the territory to Spain. Portugal had previously captured it from its Muslim inhabitants in 1415 as part of the Christian Reconquest of the Iberian Peninsula. For most of its history, Ceuta served as a military fortification and prison. It was not until the late nineteenth century that a civil society emerged in Ceuta. Then, as Spain’s colonial ambitions in Northern Africa increased in the beginning of the twentieth century, so did the nonmilitary population of Ceuta. Spanish and Moroccan workers f locked to the region to construct the infrastructure of the Spanish Protectorate, which lasted from 1912 until 1956 when Morocco gained its independence from France and Spain. After independence, many Moroccans continued to live and raise their families in Ceuta. Many of Ceuta’s Moroccans were essentially stateless because they were not official citizens of Spain or Morocco. Nonetheless, many moved back and forth across the Spanish Moroccan border with ease until the end of the twentieth century when Spanish immigration control tightened, and the European Union financed the construction of a multimillion-dollar fence along the border.
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Notes
Tariq Modood and Pnina Werbner, The Politics of Multiculturalism in the New Europe: Racism, Identity, and Community (New York: Zed Books, 1997).
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The online newspapers El Faro de Ceuta (www.elfarodeceutamelilla.com) and Diario Sur Digital (www.diariosur.es) are my main sources of daily news about Ceuta.
Abdelselam and Mohamed are pseudonyms. Interview with author, Ceuta, April 2005. I conducted the interviews in Spanish and fully transcribed the interviews. The translation to English is mine.
Eva Evers Rosander, Women in a Borderland: Managing Muslim Identity Where Morocco Meets Spain, Stockholm Studies in Social Anthropology. 26 (Stockholm: Department of Social Anthropology Stockholm University, 1991).
Officially, Ley Orgánica sobre los derechos y libertades de los extranjeros or Ley de Extranjería.
Joaquín Arango, “Becoming a Country of Immigration at the End of the Twentieth Century: The Case of Spain,” in Eldorado or Fortress?: M igration in Southern Europe, eds. Russell King, Gabriella Lazaridis, and Charalampos G. Tsardanidis (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 2000), 265–6.
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Peter Gold, Europe or Africa?: A Contemporary Study of the Spanish North African Enclaves of Ceuta and Melilla (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 2000); Ana I. Planet Contreras, Melilla Y Ceuta: Espacios-Frontera Hispano-Marroquíes (Ceuta, Melilla: Ciudad Autónoma de Melilla, Ciudad Autónoma de Ceuta, UNEDMelilla, 1998).
Thomas M. Wilson and Donnan Hastings, “Nation, State and Identity at International Borders,” in Border Identities: Nation and State at International Frontiers (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), 1–30.
Latifa is a pseudonym. Interview with author, Ceuta, May 2005. I conducted the interview in Spanish and fully transcribed the interview. The translation to English is mine.
Cf. Fredrik Barth, “Introduction,” in Ethnic Groups and Boundaries: The Social Organization of Culture Difference, ed. Fredrik Barth (Bergen: Little, Brown & Co., 1969), 9–38.
Planet Contreras, Melilla Y Ceuta: Espacios-Frontera Hispano-Marroquíes, chapter five.
Interviews and informal conversations with members of all political parties were conducted by the author between November 2004 and June 2005. I conducted the interviews in Spanish and fully transcribed the structured interviews. The translations to English are mine. I determined the agendas of each political party from interviews, media declarations, and records of Assembly sessions from 1995 to January 2005.
These parties are different from the other regional nationalist parties in Spain. For example, unlike the Basque or Catalan national movements, the PDSC and UDCE have never sought to move away from the idea of a unified Spanish nation. Instead, they have sought to have their Arab/Muslim heritage equally incorporated into Ceuta’s official heritage.
Ángel Ballesteros, Estudio Diplomático Sobre Ceuta Y Melilla (Ceuta: Instituto de Estudion Ceutíes, 2004); Enrique Carabaza and Maximo de Santos, Melilla Y Ceuta. Las Ultimas Colonias (Madrid: Talasa Ediciones S.L., 1992); Dionisio García Flórez, Ceuta Y Melilla. Cuestión De Estado (Ceuta: Ciudad Autónoma de Ceuta, 1999).
Antonio is a pseudonym. Interview with the author, Ceuta, February 2005. I conducted the interview in Spanish and fully transcribed the interview. The translation to English is mine.
Manuel is a pseudonym. Interview with the author, Ceuta, March 2005. I conducted the interview in Spanish and fully transcribed the interview. The translation to English is mine.
The trafficking of drugs and migrants from Morocco to Spain and the unregulated trade of goods from Ceuta to Morocco characterize the border’s illegal market. There are no custom regulations at the Spanish–Moroccan border.
The meetings were prompted by the poor performance of the PSOE and the crisis of leadership that ensued in that party. Since the center-right PP retained its nineteen seats in the assembly in 2007, all leftist parties have recognized the need for a united Left. However, how such a coalition would work out is far from certain.
Wilson and Hastings, “Nation, State and Identity at International Borders,” 7.
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© 2008 Wendy Pojmann
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Colón, G.A.T. (2008). Parties of Muslim Persuasion and the Left in Ceuta, Spain. In: Pojmann, W. (eds) Migration and Activism in Europe Since 1945. Europe in Transition: The NYU European Studies Series. Palgrave Macmillan, New York. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230615540_7
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