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The Historical Bloc: Toward a Typology of Weak States and Contemporary Legitimation Crises

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Antonio Gramsci

Abstract

During the heyday of Euro-communist parties in France, Spain and especially Italy, it was commonplace to see Gramsci as the key figure of Western Marxism. Commentators including Bobbio, Femia, Buci-Glucksmann, Mouffe, Salvadori, Showstack-Sassoon and others were thus wont to regard Gramsci as the preeminent theorist of civil society and hegemony, and the person most suited to renew political sociology within a Marxist framework.1 From a contemporary perspective, however, one encounters a problem in some of these accounts which has been reproduced in much of the work on Gramsci taken up recently in international relations and other disciplines. Many tend to suggest that the key difference between social democratic, Marxist-Leninist and Western Marxist thinkers can be explained in terms of the correct emphasis on religion, ideology, culture, law, politics and the superstructure more generally that can be found in the writings of Gramsci, Lukacs, Korsch, Sartre and other Western Marxists. The matter is not so straightforward, however, and the reasons for Gramsci’s originality go well beyond his concern with folklore, language, religion, literature and other phenomena that one normally associates with the Marxist concept of the superstructure. This chapter suggests that Gramsci’s contemporary relevance is to be sought in his attempt to develop an alternative to the base-superstructure model by way of an innovative elaboration of Sorel’s notion of the historical bloc.

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Notes

  1. See the essays collected in Chantal Mouffe, ed., Gramsci and Marxist Theory (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1979);

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  2. the conclusion in Joseph Femia, Gramsci’s Political Thought: Hegemony, Consciousness, and the Revolutionary Process (Oxford: Clarendon, 1981);

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  3. Anne Showstack-Sassoon, Gramsci’s Politics, 2nd edition (London: Croon Helm, 1987).

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  4. See Hugues Portelli, Gramsci et le bloc historique (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1972).

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  5. For a fruitful application of Gramsci’s ideas to the New Labour period of British politics, see the essays collected in Mark McNally and John Schwarzmantel, eds., Gramsci and Global Politics: Hegemony and Resistance (London: Routledge, 2009), Part III.

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  6. For a critical analysis that succinctly points out the weaknesses in elite theory, see Richard Bellamy, Modern Italian Social Theory: Ideology and Politics from Pareto to the Present (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1987), chapters 2 and 3.

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  7. On the particularities of the Weimar period, see Otto Kirchheimer, ‘Changes in the Structure of Political Compromise [1941],’ in The Essential Frankfurt School Reader, ed. Andrew Arato and Eike Gebhardt (New York: Continuum, 1982), 49–70;

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  8. Franz Neumann, ‘The Change in the Function of Law in Modern Society [1937],’ in The Rule of Law under Siege: Selected Essays of Franz L. Neumann and Otto Kirchheimer, ed. William E. Scheuerman (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1996), 101–41.

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  9. Darrow Schecter, The History of the Left from Marx to the Present: Theoretical Perspectives (New York: Continuum, 2007), chapters 2 and 6.

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  10. Although Gramsci wrote at a time before it was common to theorize in terms of discourse analysis and social systems, it can be argued that elements in his work prefigure these later methodological developments. For secondary literature that makes this point, thus illustrating Gramsci’s contemporary relevance, see Peter Ives, Gramsci’s Politics of Language: Engaging Bakhtin and the Frankfurt School (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2004);

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  11. Bob Jessop, State Theory: Putting the Capitalist State in Its Place (Cambridge: Polity, 1990), especially Part III.

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  12. Antonio Gramsci, Quaderni del carcere, Vol. I, ed. Valentino Gerratana (Turin: Einaudi, 1975), Q4, §38, 457–8.

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  13. See also Michel Foucault, Surveiller et punir [Discipline and Punish] (Paris: Minuit, 1975), 23–7;

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  14. Michel Foucault, Les mots et les choses [translated as The Order of Things] (Paris: Gallimard, 1966), chapter 2;

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  15. Gilles Deleuze, Foucault (Paris: Minuit, 1986), 55–75.

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  16. Antonio Gramsci, Quaderni del carcere, Vol. III, ed. Valentino Gerratana (Turin: Einaudi, 1975), Q13, §18, 1595–6.

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  17. See Antonio Gramsci, Quaderni del carcere, Vol. II, ed. Valentino Gerratana (Turin: Einaudi, 1975), Q7, §33, 882.

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  18. Georg W.F. Hegel, Grundlinien der Philosophie des Rechts [The Philosophy of Right, 1821] (Frankfurt: Suhrkamp, 1986), Part III.

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  19. Jürgen Habermas, Strukturwandlung der Öffentlichkeit [The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere, first published by Luchterhand in 1962] (Frankfurt: Suhrkamp, 1990), chapters 3–4.

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  20. Antonio Gramsci, ‘I dazi protettori ed il libero scambio’ [1917], in Antonio Gramsci, La Città futura, ed. Sergio Caprioglio (Turin: Einaudi, 1982), 82–3.

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  21. Antonio Gramsci, ‘Alcuni temi della questione meridionale’ and ‘La situazione italiana e i compiti del PCI,’ in Antonio Gramsci, Scritti politici III, ed. Paolo Spriano (Rome: Editori Riuniti, 1978), 243–65 and 269–305.

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  22. Adam D. Morton, Unravelling Gramsci: Hegemony and Passive Revolution in the Global Political Economy (London: Pluto, 2007) provides a brilliant discussion of some of these issues.

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  23. See Antonio Gramsci, ‘Democrazia operaia [1919],’ in Antonio Gramsci, L’Ordine Nuovo, 1919–1920 (Turin, Einaudi, 1954), 11;

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  24. Darrow Schecter, Gramsci and the Theory of Industrial Democracy (Aldershot: Avebury, 1991), chapter 4.

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© 2015 Darrow Schecter

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Schecter, D. (2015). The Historical Bloc: Toward a Typology of Weak States and Contemporary Legitimation Crises. In: McNally, M. (eds) Antonio Gramsci. Critical Explorations in Contemporary Political Thought. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137334183_10

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