Abstract
Up until this point we have considered how Christianity and the secular world have constructed and sustained a fundamentally important set of narratives to support individuals throughout the trials and tribulations of twentieth-century life. In doing so, we detect the regular revival and constant reconstruction of these stories in both religious and secular forms. This argues against both crude elements of the secularisation thesis and some of the conventional assertions that surround religious history as it is currently written. This chapter elaborates further upon the idea that much can be gathered from examining the narratives of belief and emotions that surround individual historical moments within the twentieth century.2
A generation has grown up that is suspicious of a rich tradition, scared by massive continuity, unwilling to acknowledge permanent ethical values, revolted by togetherness and the bland together assurance that springs from the feeling of being part of a great whole … Middle-aged workmen in pubs, smart secretaries, adolescents in coffee bars and elderly women with dogs — all kinds and sorts of people betray an obscure awareness of life as uncertain, cut-off, undirected, and depending for its value (if any) on moments of purely individual heroism, insight, or love.1
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Notes
Rosemary Haughton (1967) The Transformation of Man: A Study of Conversion and Community ( London: Geoffrey Chapman ), p. 9.
While these ‘moments’ are individual events that highlight the importance of religion, it is arguable that the search for precise moments that altered the religious landscape has been a part of secularisation theory for some time. Callum Brown’s identification of the 1960s as a crucial moment in an overarching history of the success of the secular provides evidence for the concept of ‘secular moments’. See Callum Brown (2012) Religion and the Demographic Revolution: Women and Secularisation in Canada, Ireland, UK and USA since the 1960s. ( Woodbridge: Boydell Press ), p. 40. See also his ‘“The Unholy Mrs Knight” and the BBC: Secular Humanism and the Threat to the Christian Nation c. 1945–1960’ (2012). English Historical Review 127: 345–76. This ‘moment’ is a vehicle for showing the resurgence in religion between the end of the Second World War and the end of the 1950s, alongside its reliance upon the BBC as an agent of Christian messages. However, it also demonstrates that religious responses to Margaret Knight’s humanist broadcasts of 1955 were quite varied and demonstrated the tension between conservative and liberal Christianity in Britain.
Charles Taylor (2007) A Secular Age ( New York: Belknap ), pp. 520–1. Note that connections to the past and this association with religious belief pushes the assumed reality of secularisation into a consideration of contemporary moments. Taylor also supplies his own ‘moments’, including the Hillsborough disaster and the sinking of the liner Estonia.
Lewis Broad (1961) The Abdication: Twenty-Five Years On ( London: Frederick Muller ), pp. 34, 42;
Lord Beaverbrook (1966) The Abdication of King Edward VIII, ed. Alan John Percivale Taylor (London: Hamish Hamilton ), pp. 13, 14, 20.
See Brian Inglis (1966) Abdication ( London: Hodder and Stoughton).
An American Resident (1937) The Twilight of the British Monarchy (London: Secker and Warburg), p. 28.
Iles Brody (1953) Gone with the Windsors ( Philadelphia: John Winston ), p. 217.
Ibid., p. 58. But see also Denys Blakeway (2010) The Last Dance, 1936: The Year of Change ( London: Murray ), p. 319, for the suggestion that publicising only dominion opposition to the morganatic marriage suited the agenda of the government.
See David Nash (2009) Blasphemy in the Christian World ( Oxford: Oxford University Press ), Conclusion.
See David S. Nash (1999) Blasphemy in Modern Britain 1789 to the Present ( Aldershot: Ashgate ), Chapter 3.
See for example British Fascist Children’s Club Dept. (1926) The ‘Red Menace’ to British Children’ ( London: British Fascists). This pamphlet demonstrates something of a preoccupation with blasphemy as a dialogue against sacred British institutions.
Mary Whitehouse (1977) Whatever Happened to Sex? ( London: Hodder and Stoughton ), p. 7.
Michael Tracey and David Morrison (1979) Whitehouse ( London: Macmillan ), p. 156.
Ibid., pp. 7–8. See also Tracey and Morrison, Whitehouse, Chapter 6, ‘Invading Innocence: NVLA, Sex and Chidlhood’, pp. 121–40. Mary Whitehouse gave her own account in Mary Whitehouse (1982) A Most Dangerous Woman? ( Tring: Lion Books ), Chapter 12, ‘Mr Thorsen Departs’, pp. 134–45.
For different accounts of these events see Mary Whitehouse (1993) Quite Contrary ( London: Pan Books )
Geoffrey Robertson (1998) The Justice Game ( London: Vintage).
See Tony Palmer (1971) The Trials of OZ ( London: Blond and Briggs )
Roger Hutchinson (1992) High Sixties the Summers of Riot and Love ( Edinburgh: Mainstream).
See also Walter Kendrick (1996) The Secret Museum: Pornography in Modern Culture ( Berkeley: University of California Press).
Max Caulfield (1975) Mary Whitehouse ( Oxford: Mowbrays ), p. 131.
See also Amy C. Whipple (2010) ‘Speaking for Whom? The 1971 Festival of Light and the Search for the “Silent Majority”’. Contemporary British History 24, 3: 319–39. This article suggests that some in the Festival of Light rejected the primacy of the Christian message instead seeking a focus upon wider conceptions of morality that would appeal to the ‘silent majority’. This perhaps demonstrates the malleability and power of the ideas of both the ‘silent majority’ and the precise level of Christian content deemed desirable within narratives of moral collapse.
See Catholic Herald, 21 November 2008, see also John Gower Davies (2010) A New Inquisition in Britain Today ( London: Civitas Institute for the Study of Civil Society).
For the latest investigation of this see S. Brent Plate (2010) Blasphemy: Art that Offends ( London: Black Dog Publishing).
J. John (1998) Diana: Fractured Fairytales ( Eastbourne: Kingsway ), p. 14.
Ibid., pp. 39–40. But see also Robert Turnock (2000) Interpreting Diana: Television Audiences and the Death of a Princess ( London: BFI Publishing ), which asserts the power of the media in coercing forms of behaviour from those that consumed them during the Diana episode.
Grace Davie suggests the role of Christianity in assimilating the death of Diana was an example of ‘vicarious religion’ in action. See Grace Davie (2006) ‘Vicarious Religion: A Methodological Challenge’. Nancy T. Ammerman, ed., Everyday Religion: Observing Modern Religious Lives ( New York: OUP ), pp. 21–35.
Diana Taylor (1999) ‘Dancing with Diana: A Study in Hauntology’. TDR 43, 1 (Spring): 59–78, p. 61. For another variation on this see
Jude Davies (2001) Diana, A Cultural History: Gender, Race, Nation and the People’s Princess ( Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan ), see especially section three.
Jane Caputi (1999) ‘The Second Coming of Diana’. NWSA Journal 11, 2 ( Woman Created, Woman Transfigured, Woman Consumed–Summer ): 103–23, p. 120.
Frances Bridger (1998) The Diana Phenomenon. Pastoral Series ( Cambridge: Grove Books ), p. 3.
See Steve Bruce (2011) Secularization: In Defence of an Unfashionable Theory ( Oxford: Oxford University Press ), p. 85. In this section Bruce seeks to refute suggestions that the death of Diana signposted a latent religiosity within British culture. What was significant was this refutation focussed solely upon whether it signalled a rediscovered role for the Church of England, without considering other non-institutionalised responses.
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Nash, D. (2013). Moments and Reactions — Religious and Secular Episodes. In: Christian Ideals in British Culture. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137349057_7
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