Abstract
In the previous chapters, we have maintained that traditional theories cannot account for Norway’s sustained and active involvement in peacemaking and peacebuilding. Using a Constructivist conceptual framework, the first three chapters analyzed Norway’s peace policy priority by identifying the assumptions that underpin its approach and by providing a multifaceted explanation for its existence. Geostrategic position, wealth from North Sea oil production, and a sea change in the structure of the international system after the Cold War afforded myriad opportunities for a broad Nor wegian commitment to peacemaking and peacebuilding based upon important elements that underlie Norwegian perceptions of their identity (self-image). The essential question addressed is why Norway chose to become actively and deeply engaged in sustained peacemaking and peacebuilding endeavors when it clearly had other options.
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Notes
Martha Finnemore, National Interests in International Society (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1996), 128.
Marc Leonard, et al., Public Diplomacy London: The Foreign Policy Center, 2002), 170.
Alexander. Wendt, “Anarchy Is What States Make of It: the Social Construction of Power Politics,” International Organization, 46 (1992), 391–425.
Joseph S. Nye, Jr., Soft Power: The Means to Success in World Politics (New York: Public Affairs Press, 2004), 11.
This characterization draws on the terminology describing system impact suggested in the analysis in Robert O. Keohane, “Liliputians’ Dilemmas: Small States in International Politics,” International Organization 23:2 (1969), 291–310.
Kristine Höglund and Isak Svensson, ‘Mediating between Tigers and Lions: Norwegian Peace Diplomacy in Sri Lanka’s Civil War.’ Contemporary South Asia, Vol. 17:2 (2009), 177–180.
Quoted in Javier Fabra-Mata, “Measuring the effectiveness of Norwegian peace facilitation,” Norwegian Peacebuilding Resource Centre (NOREF) (Janauary 2014), 3.
Edwar Azar, The Management of Protracted Social Conflict (Aldershot: Dartmouth Publishing, 1990), 93, 6.
Jonas Gahr Støre, “Why We Must Talk,” The New York Review of Books, (April 7, 2011), www.nybooks.com/contributors/jonas-store/.
For example, see Maria Groeneveld-Salvisaar and Siniša Vuković, “Terror Muscle, and Negotiation: Failure of Multiparty Mediation in Sri Lanka,” in Engaging Extremists: Trade Offs, Timing and Diplomacy, ed. I. William Zartman and Guy Olivier Faure (Washington, DC: United States Institute of Peace, 2011), 105–136.
For an overview of alternative approaches, see Paul B. Pederson, “The Cultural Context of Peacemaking,” in Peace, Conflict, and Violence: in the Peace Psychology for the 21st Century ed. Daniel. J. Christie, Richard V. Wagner, and Deborah DuNann Winter (Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, 2001), 183ff-26.
Oliver P. Richmond, “Emancipatory forms of Human Security and Liberal Peacebuilding,” International Journal 62, 3 (Summer 2007): 469–470, referencing Mark Duffield, “Aid and complicity,” Journal of Modern African Studies, 40, 1 (2002).
Richmond, “Emancipatory forms of Human Security,” 470, referencing Michel Foucault’s “governmentality” concept, Michel Foucault, “Governmentality,” in Graham Burchell, Colin Gordon, and Peter Miller, eds., The Foucault Effect: Studies in Governmentality (Hermel Hempstead: Harvester Wheatsheaf, 1991), 87–104.
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© 2014 James Larry Taulbee, Ann Kelleher, and Peter C. Grosvenor
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Taulbee, J.L., Kelleher, A., Grosvenor, P.C. (2014). Contributions and Challenges. In: Norway’s Peace Policy. Palgrave Macmillan, New York. https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137429193_7
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137429193_7
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